Imagine
that someone approached you and asked how much you would be willing to pay for
a bar of soap or a bag of potato chips? It seems like a simple question.
You would
probably, though, ask which bar of
soap and which potato chips? Think a
bit longer, and you might be asking “pay for them how?”
Researchers
have found that the last question – about the form of payment -- matters. For
example, paying by credit card rather than cash changes how consumers spend:
Studies suggest that using plastic induces consumers to pay higher tips at restaurants, buy more junk food, and pay more for a chance to see a pro basketball
game.
These results are not always robust, and studies struggle
to separate the liquidity effect of credit cards from the psychological effect of
using plastic
vs. cold, hard cash. Still, the weight of the evidence suggests that people
spend more when using credit cards (or even when thinking about credit cards) for reasons that are at
least partly psychological.
The
digital financial revolution prompts us to update the question: As mobile money
widens in use, will it also influence spending
choices
in the way that plastic has? Or is digital in fact different?
In 2014,
we started a project on the impacts of mobile money in Bangladesh. The study
focuses on users of mobile money in northern villages and Dhaka neighborhoods. Mobile
money has spread extremely fast in Bangladesh, largely due to the growth of bKash and its competitors.
The mobile money sector is one of Bangladesh’s great recent economic success
stories, and bKash alone now provides mobile money services to over 20 million customers.
Midway
through the study, with financial support from IMTFI, we asked two randomly-chosen
groups of people questions about their willingness to pay for household basics
and some small luxuries. We asked the study participants how much they would be
willing to pay for a quantity of fine rice, a good bar of soap, particular
pieces of clothing (a salwar kameez
and a lungi), a bag of potato chips,
and a packet of biscuits (cookies). We asked the participants to respond
(hypothetically) in contexts when using cash or mobile money.
Given the
set-up and the fact that the questions were hypothetical, we did not expect to
see much difference. But, as the table shows (which is from our urban sample),
in 5 of the 6 cases respondents indicated that they would be willing to pay a
higher price when using mobile money to facilitate the transaction.
Summary
Statistics for Willingness to Pay (WTP) in Taka
Variable
|
Cash Mean
|
Mobile Money Mean
|
Cash Median
|
Mobile Money Median
|
WTP for rice
|
392
|
403
|
400
|
400
|
WTP for Beauty Soap
|
89
|
75
|
30
|
30
|
WTP for Salwar Kameez
|
701
|
750
|
700
|
700
|
WTP for Lungi
|
330
|
346
|
300
|
350
|
WTP for Potato Chips
|
39
|
41
|
30
|
30
|
WTP for Biscuits
|
74
|
79
|
50
|
60
|
To dig
deeper, we ran a set of regressions to control for the respondent’s age,
education, income, work status and other key variables. The regressions again
show that in 5 of the 6 cases respondents indicated that they would be willing
to pay a higher price when using mobile money to facilitate the transaction.
(The negative signs mean that they would not be willing to pay as much when
using cash.) The standard errors are fairly wide, however, and only in three of
the cases are the differences statistically significant with 95 percent
confidence.
Regression
Results for Willingness to Pay, With Controls
(1)
|
(2)
|
(3)
|
(4)
|
(5)
|
(6)
|
|
Rice
|
Beauty
Soap
|
Salwar
Kameez
|
Lungi
|
Potato
Chips
|
Biscuits
|
|
Cash
|
-11.1**
|
9.9
|
-49.0**
|
-14.9**
|
-1.8
|
-3.6
|
Treatment
|
(5.4)
|
(8.0)
|
(24.4)
|
(6.8)
|
(2.8)
|
(4.0)
|
Observations
|
812
|
813
|
812
|
812
|
811
|
811
|
Since the
same participants answered questions about each of the 6 items, there is little
concern that a given respondent was considering different qualities of items in
the two scenarios. Like much of the earlier literature, however, we cannot
distinguish the liquidity effect from psychological effects.
Half a
year before, we had introduced mobile money to the first group. Our research
team had trained members how to use mobile money, and many had started using
it. The second group was an experimental control, and we provided them with no
training nor discussion of mobile money. Our initial results suggest that the
training and exposure to bKash (and the greater likelihood of its subsequent
use) strongly narrowed the difference in willingness to pay between cash and
mobile money. The main differences in spending patterns with cash versus mobile
money thus come from the control group, and it is possible that their preferences
will narrow too with greater exposure to mobile money.
We are now
analyzing the rural sample, and the initial results are opposite to the urban
sample: In the village, there is greater willingness to pay in cash. Our next
step is to investigate why, including whether the result reflects a lack of
stores that accept digital payment in the villages (rather than a hypothetical
willingness to pay), or whether the result stems from unfamiliarity with mobile
banking.
Economists
generally assume that money is fungible, a dollar is a dollar, a taka is a
taka. However, in both our urban and rural samples, the form of payment clearly makes a difference. There does seem to be something
different about holding 20-taka on your mobile phone rather than holding a
20-taka banknote in your hand. In Dhaka, being able to pay by phone appears to
raise the price that customers are willing to pay for household goods. If these
results stand, retailers may now have another reason to encourage their
customers to use mobile money.
Read their Final Report
Jean Lee is an economist at the Millennium
Challenge Corporation and was a Post-Doctoral Research Fellow at NYU. Jonathan
Morduch is Professor of Public Policy and Economics at the Robert Wagner
Graduate School of Public Service at NYU. Abu Shonchoy is Research Fellow at
the Institute of Developing Economies (IDE-JETRO) in Chiba, Japan and a
Visiting Scholar at NYU (2016-18).
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