Thursday, July 9, 2020

Electronic banking fraud in Nigeria: how it’s done, and what can be done to stop it

By IMTFI Fellow Oludayo Tade, University of Ibadan, in The Conversation

Stefan Heunis/AFP via Getty Images

Six years ago, a cashless policy became fully operational in Nigeria. The aim was to encourage electronic transactions with a view to reducing the amount of physical cash in the economy. The logic was that this would minimise the risk of cash-related crimes.

But a major downside of the policy has been pervasive electronic banking fraud (e-fraud). Although the cashless banking system was designed to foster transparency, curb corruption and drive financial inclusion, it’s threatened by the growing perpetration of fraud.

About N15.5 billion was lost to bank fraud in 2018. About 60% of the fraud was perpetrated online owing to available internet-based and tech-rated banking services.

Our research investigated dimensions of electronic fraud in Nigeria. We found three: internal fraud carried out by banking staff; external fraud carried out by ordinary Nigerians; and collaboration between fraudsters and banking staff.

We found that inefficient supervision, non-performance of oversight by regional heads of banks, and poor follow-up on customers’ addresses (Know Your Customer) accounted for the fraud that took place.

Our study provides the banking industry, banking public and investors with critical pointers on how to reduce fraud.

Read more about the different types of fraud and recommendations in the full post here: https://theconversation.com/electronic-banking-fraud-in-nigeria-how-its-done-and-what-can-be-done-to-stop-it-141141

Access research publication: "Dimensions of Electronic Fraud and Governance of Trust in Nigeria’s Cashless Ecosystem" by Oludayo Tade and Oluwatosin Adeniyi in the International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology (IJO).

Thursday, July 2, 2020

Here and there? Mobile money and the politics of transnational living patterns in West Africa

by Solène Morvant-Roux and Anna Peixoto-Charles, University of Geneva in Oxford Development Studies (Volume 48, 2020 - Issue 2)


Ouagadougou, Burkino Faso. Photo credit: Solène Morvant-Roux

Abstract
The authors examine the use of mobile money in the context of cross-border remittances in West Africa. Relying on mixed methods and a multi-sited empirical strategy they look at both the sending and receiving conditions of mobile money transfers. By looking at money as socially embedded and the role of migrants in the production of a transnational space, their results highlight that uptake and usage of mobile money for remittances are shaped by a transnational living pattern. At the same time, mobile money also contributes to strengthening and reshaping this pattern. By showing that conversion of virtual money to cash may be performed by brokers that live far away from the end recipient, the paper highlights an important gap between spatial distribution of mobile money infrastructure and the social mediation that supports e-money flows. Cash-based transactions, in turn, are shown to play a key role in the social mediation dynamic.

Select Citations
"According to Leon Isaacs (cited in Heyer & Mas, 2010), 65% of the 23 million African migrants are regional as opposed to trans-continental migration with West Africa hosting major sub-regional corridors. Côte d’Ivoire is one of the countries with the largest long-standing diasporas from neighboring countries. This is especially so for the Burkinabè diaspora which accounts for almost 2 million people (IOM 2018) compared to the total population of Côte d’Ivoire (at 23 million). This migration flow is mainly composed of rural males leaving their village to settle in a more dynamic agricultural region in Côte d’Ivoire. Remittances between the two countries are a major component of the flows between migrants and their family members in Burkina Faso (IOM 2018). This shows that despite an old migration corridor (existing over several generations) that allowed migrants to invest in lands and houses in Cote d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso still appears to be considered their ‘home’, at least partially."

"Our findings highlight that while the spatial spread of MM retailers (supply) is impressive in sending and receiving settings, the social spread of MM in Burkina Faso exhibits a much more complex web of in-between informal brokers. Far from the person-to-person transaction and beyond issues of proximity, MM sending and receiving patterns are strongly shaped by the migrants’ transnational living pattern (distributive livelihoods) as well as the imperative to maintain community membership over the long run."

"With MM transfers, migrants can play a more active role in daily expenses or timely responses to financial difficulties without it being communicated to others. Previous to MM access, migrants would not have been able to quietly send money to their children for school in their home country, or for family events without it being known more widely. In interviews, they described: ‘we were neither able to send our children to our home country school nor to take part to family events because we had to rely on intermediaries who are always indelicate.’ Discretion is key: ‘Unless you talk, these transfers remain secrets’. "

Read more on the research findings in the full paper in Oxford Development Studies:
https://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/XEASAXJXRE53RWBIVQE7/full?target=10.1080%2F13600818.2020.1770208&

Tuesday, June 16, 2020

Digital Transformation in the Age of COVID-19: What Should Credit Unions Deliver?

by Bill Maurer and Scott Mainwaring, Center of Excellence for Emerging Technology at UC Irvine

The old era of neighborhood branch gathering places no longer looks tenable as a new era dawns of self- and curbside-service, constant online connectivity, and conversation in virtual spaces.


Digital transformation is here with a vengeance, whether we like it or not. The global COVID-19 pandemic has people paying with mobile apps instead of cash, applying for and receiving assistance online, and coping with anxieties around housing, employment, debt, and even bankruptcy. The cascading consequences of the pandemic means that credit unions must urgently engage with business reinvention in order to continue their mission of service to their members’ financial well-being. How can this mission be sustained even as online becomes the dominant way they deliver products, offer support, and work with members to solve problems?

We have been researching the implications for credit unions of emerging technologies that use so-called artificial intelligence techniques to support “natural” conversations, though text, voice, and/or graphics, between people and artificial agents that more or less pose as people in enacting a service. Amazon’s Alexa and Apple’s Siri are well-known examples, through financial service-specific versions like Bank of America’s Erica have also launched.

As social scientists, we start from a broad set of questions about how people experience and expect these systems to behave, both positively and negatively. And for these “conversational agent” technologies, we start in particular with questions of intimacy and empathy.

Intimacy of AI
In 2018 the popular parenting website BabyCenter released results of a survey it conducted on new parents and their use of AI assistants like Alexa and Siri. The results were striking—seven in ten parents own a smart device; and a third of those said that having one made them a better parent. 22% percent said their virtual assistants are “like another part of the family,” and 42% of device owners say that they speak to their virtual assistants like an actual person. The “intimacy of AI,” as AdWeek calls it, seems inevitable.

Voice and AI aside, intimacy is already central to smartphones themselves. These personal and personalized devices are our constant, daily, bodily companions. Add an always-available virtual assistant to chat with, and our relationship with our phones—especially in a time of social distancing—becomes even closer.

“Intimacy” from virtual assistants being rolled out by the big banks is threatening to credit unions precisely because credit unions have historically prided themselves on the quality of their customer service and their knowledge of their members. Take Bank of America’s Erica. Via your smartphone, she can help you plan a spending path, manage your expenses, alert you to when bills or other recurrent payments are coming due, give your FICO score, and even provide rudimentary credit counseling.

If interactions with financial digital assistants are to replace person-to-person conversations with customer service agents, is the credit union system back in a familiar position of trying to play catch-up with the big banks and their big pockets? Not entirely – to employ new technologies that put people first, credit unions have advantageous positions as member cooperatives that place well-being over profits.


Continue reading about intimacy, empathy, and opportunities for credit unions in the age of COVID-19, full post on the Filene Research Institute blog available here: https://filene.org/blog/digital-transformation-in-the-age-of-covid-19-what-should-credit-unions-deliver


Wednesday, June 3, 2020

Part 3: South Africa in lockdown: Innovation in G2P payments

By John Sharp, University of Pretoria and Sibel Kusimba, University of South Florida

Sassa queue outside office in Cape Town. Photo credit: Barbara Maregele

More than eighty countries have increased their social protection programs in the light of the COVID-19 outbreak. At least 58 countries are scaling up cash transfer schemes. Some countries have been more efficient than others in providing funds to low income, elderly and other vulnerable citizens, and the urgency of the human need and the population scale these programs seek to reach are unprecedented.

As in other countries, authorities in South Africa are under social and political pressure to either curtail lockdowns or ameliorate the loss of income and employment that has ensued. Observers have praised the South African Social Security Agency (SASSA) for their rapid adoption of a new method of distributing state grants to millions of South Africans. SASSA was obliged to move fast given that President Cyril Ramaphosa announced, on 23 April, that the state intended to make a brand new social grant available to provide relief to South Africans during the COVID-19 lockdown, and that payment would start in early May.

This grant targets a new category of poor people – those who are of working age but without paid employment during the Coronavirus crisis. Ramaphosa noted that the plight of elderly people, children under 18 years, and disabled people was covered by the state’s existing social grants program, administered by SASSA, but that the lockdown had exposed a gap in the case of working-age people who were unemployed. He said that these people would be able to apply immediately for the new ‘Social Relief of Distress’ grant of R350 per month for six months.

Social distancing tricky in queues for social grants
However, with no information on the people who fall into this category, SASSA has faced challenges in identifying appropriate grant recipients.  The elderly who depend on state pensions, the caregivers of children, and the disabled are on existing databases, but working-age people who are unemployed are not. SASSA solved the problem by deciding that anyone could apply by sending a message via WhatsApp or USSD to the official COVID-19 phone number (hitherto used only to give out information on the virus), that applications would be checked against existing databases of taxpayers, Unemployment Insurance Fund recipients, and recipients of other social grants. Those who qualified would have the grant deposited into their bank accounts or receive it on their mobile phones either as a code that would access cash at an ATM or as a voucher redeemable at selected retail stores.

This solution came together quickly. But whether there is merit in the comment from one observer that this signals ‘a major shift away from the cash payments or deposits via traditional bank accounts that have long bedevilled the already massive SASSA system is an open question.

Two key problems afflicted earlier systems for distributing social grants in South Africa. One stems from the fact that distribution took place all at once – on a set day or set days every month. Grants were paid out in cash that had to be transported – in armoured vehicles – to pay-out points scattered across the country. Recipients – many of them elderly – had to travel to these venues and wait in queues for hours while the cash was disbursed manually. There was an attempt to change this after 2012, when many recipients had bank accounts opened for them by a private financial services company contracted by SASSA to distribute social grants. But all the grants were deposited in these accounts at the same time, and since recipients needed to cash them out immediately, the congestion and long queues persisted. People were still obliged to stand in the sun for hours on end in order to get their grants in the form of cash.

Sassa fiasco: Three pensioners die during long wait for social grants. The South African

This particular grant program, administered by subsidiaries of fintech company Net1, reached more than a third of South Africa’s population, even before the COVID pandemic. Nevertheless, distribution of social grants was preyed on by those seeking to sell a range of financial services to grant recipients. When pay-outs were made in cash, companies selling insurance and advancing credit dispatched agents to pay-out venues; the agents engaged in high-pressure selling which recipients were often unable to withstand. When grants were deposited in bank accounts that had been opened specially to receive them, the private company involved gave its sister companies access to the recipient database, allowing targeted marketing of airtime, insurance and loans, and ensuring a fail-safe method of payment for these services. Payments were deducted at source from the recipients’ bank accounts, and they were paid out whatever was left after the payments had been made.

The new payment system SASSA has developed may make such practices more difficult, but high pressure salespeople pushing insurance and credit can still target ATMs if large numbers of unemployed people gather in front of them at the same time to key in the codes they receive on their mobile phones in order to access the cash they need. Even if the new system is upgraded to a full mobile money system in due course, the problem would not necessarily disappear entirely. If private companies can issue mobile money, they can readily add financial services to their mobile platform. The recent proliferation of mobile loans in countries such as Kenya provides a case in point: people are encouraged to take out ‘quick little loans’ on their mobile phones. The loans are made instantly and have to be repaid, with interest, in mobile money. The ease and speed of the transaction are tempting and lead growing numbers into debt they cannot repay easily.

If the new system of code and voucher transferrals via mobile phone is easy to stagger, this problem will be minimised. But estimates are that some eight million unemployed people will qualify for the Social Relief of Distress grant, and if they all receive pay-outs at the same time (and at the same time as the 18 million South Africans receiving old-age, disability and child support grants in a country of 58 million), the result will be the same as before.

Critics have pointed out that the amount of the new social grant is too low to support the direct recipients, let alone the other members of their households who will depend on them, and that it will be paid out for much less time than they are likely to remain unemployed. These are important issues, with which we agree. But the way in which G2P payments are made is also important.

World Bank experts are recommending that government payments during COVID be designed to 1) ensure social distancing at delivery; 2) minimize costs to recipients; 3) manage risks such as theft, 4) communicate well and 5) put systems in place for the long term. A number of ecosystems could provide these features, both agent-based cash-out schemes and account-based transfers. The overall point is that a new payment technology such as the one developed by SASSA over the past fortnight cannot deal with the problems identified above on its own. No matter how grants are paid out - in cash, into bank accounts, via codes on mobile phones, or indeed, as mobile money – there is a risk of exposing recipients to inadvertent hardship and to high-pressure selling of add-on services.

A comparative study of G2P payments as social protection identified five overriding principles for effective efforts: Cash transfer programs work best when they are: ‘fair, assured, practical, large enough to impact household income, and popular.'1 Reaching a national consensus on these dimensions needs to combine technological innovation with policy expertise and the perspectives of recipients of the social grants themselves. This last point is something to bear in mind for when the COVID-19 emergency is over.

References
1 Hulme, David, Joseph Hanlon, and Armando Barrientos. ‘Social protection, marginality, and extreme poverty: Just give money to the poor? In J. von Braun and F, Gatzweiler (Eds.) 2014. Marginality: Addressing the Nexus of Poverty, Exclusion and Ecology.  Springer Netherlands. Pp. 315-329.

Read Part 1: "COVID and Digital Payment in Kenya and South Africa: Crisis Innovation?"
Read Part 2: "The war on COVID in Kenya: Will the social networks of mobile money survive?"

Thursday, May 28, 2020

Part 2: The war on COVID in Kenya: Will the social networks of mobile money survive?

by Sibel Kusimba, University of South Florida, Chap Kusimba, University of South Florida, and Gabriel Kunyu, Independent Researcher

Meme circulating on Kenyan WhatsApp. Bora Uhai is a phrase
meaning that nothing matters more than life. It is commonly
used when things don't work out as planned or expected.

“I saw people rejoice when it was announced that there would be no transaction fees for any amount sent below 1000 Kenya Shillings (US $10). But since there is no money, people are not sending.” Millicent has had an M-Pesa shop in the Sweet Water estate of Machakos, Kenya, for several years. This town about 60 km southeast of Nairobi has been a hub of trade in and out of Kenya’s capital since colonial times and before1. The area is still known as a commercial hub. But on April 7, 2020, all transport and travel in and out of Nairobi to the rest of the country was cut off for 21 days as part of the authorities’ response to the COVID-19 pandemic. On that day chaos ensued when travelers and drivers were cut off en route; some went off road and on foot to reach their destinations. Now the Athi River just two miles north of Machakos has been completely cut off, as has the port town of Mombasa - and with it the many goods, such as foodstuffs, household goods, and second hand goods that so many make a living trading in this area.

Millicent reflected that initially there were a lot of people sending money, especially in the week before the roads were closed, when restrictions on gatherings and restaurants were imposed. There were fewer withdrawals, and the country’s many itinerant urban workers were sending money to their rural families. But now at the end of April, M-Pesa agents like Millicent are finding they have fewer customers. People used to wait in the queue at Millicent’s shop before COVID, but these days she will see only 2-3 people in a whole day. She says they are well off people such as teachers, and that they are loading money on to their phones, not cashing out. She is not sure where this money is going, but she reasons they are either sending money to relatives in the rural areas or using the digital balance on their phones to shop at the grocery store and use digital retail payment- Lipa na M-Pesa (a Safaricom merchant pay service based on sending money to a till number associated with a shop or seller). Millicent says most people are not coming to use her money transfer services. She understands why because she is having the same problem: no money. Although she used to send money to friends and family before COVID, she cannot anymore. She is instead relying on Fuliza loans for airtime (a Safaricom loan service) and on digital M-Shwari loans (offered by the Commercial Bank of Africa, through Safaricom) to feed her family. “Any money I get goes to paying these loans and for food. I cannot send any more.”

The Western Kenyan town of Kimilili about 50 km from the Western national border with Uganda is surrounded by farmland. Most of the families here combine income from several sources, such as farming, selling, trading, and labor of many kinds, and occupations such as teaching or the civil service. Mobile money agents here are also seeing drops in customers since the lockdown. Kimilili mobile money agent Annette is a student at Mount Kenya University studying economics and finance. When the university closed due to COVID she came to stay at the home of her brother, a local teacher. Her family had moved around due to “family problems” and her brother’s place was the best option for her when universities closed. We learned in speaking with her that her brother is the registered M-Pesa agent, but she is “helping him out” by handling transactions. Annette expressed a lot of anxiety about her planned graduation in December and hoped it would not be delayed because of the virus. Her brother said that transactions have plummeted since the COVID response was instituted. He explained that people are following the government’s directive to avoid cash: people with money are using Lipa na M-pesa digital retail much more than before. Annette still gets some business from people cashing in and out in relatively small amounts. Profits are way down because amounts of cash in/out is how agents earn commissions. Annette appreciates the government directives about handwashing and social distancing but says few people are taking it as seriously as they should. "You cannot stop Kenyans from shaking hands," she says. Annette herself does not wear a mask, as she says it aggravates her asthma.

Under Kenya’s curfew, informal workers – barbers, hairdressers, shopkeepers, repair shops, bicycle, and car maintenance, along with M-Pesa agents – are using masks and gloves and sanitizing their workplaces. In Sweet Water in Machakos, the county government fumigates shops regularly, but businesses must still pay for water and sanitizer. Workers here must make money outside of a strict curfew which shortens their working days. But the commercial activity they depend on has plummeted. With Nairobi closing off informal workers have left for their rural homes; shops have less business as people fear the virus; gatherings and celebrations are forbidden, cutting off the personal care industry and the celebration economy of tent rental and hiring of musicians and DJs. With the roads cut off, the cost of goods has doubled or tripled.


An M-Pesa agent shop, Kimilili, Kenya. May 9 2020.
Note soap solution and water on the left. Photo Chap Kusimba. 

Money-Transfer Networks
Kenyans use money transfer to send and receive money with friends and relatives in dense social networks. Participating in these networks is necessary for economic life and social belonging2.  The effect of the COVID restrictions and their impact on informal workers, who earn their money every day, has been stark in the Sweet Water area. Not only have livelihoods been cut off; but informal workers have been left without money, and with it the ability to participate in reciprocal money-transfer networks that support friends and family. In the Sweet Water area we met and spoke with several informal workers who are all experiencing the same hardships, whose stories we sketch out below. Customers have left for upcountry, and wholesale goods have shot up in price. With a loss of the daily income these informal workers have turned to M-Shwari digital credit loans. They have been unable to send and receive e-money in their networks.

John is a young man who sells sausages in the marketplace at Sweet Water. Most of his customers left for their family homes in the rural areas as soon as the government announced that roads would be closed. His stock costs more now, and with the curfew his business hours are shortened. “I no longer send money as I used to because what I get is less than before. Even relatives and friends don’t send money anymore.”

Maryanne is a waitress in Sweet Water who was fired when the business closed. Her sister has sent her money to care for her four-year-old. She is trying to take in washing for money but is finding few customers. Another lady, Mary, is a tailor, who mostly repairs peoples’ clothes. She is usually paid in cash because these small repairs are paid for in coins. She is often supported by friends and relatives, but she has wondering what she will do now that even these small coins are not coming. Down the street, Risper owns a salon and has seen a big reduction in business. Her customers have reduced greatly. Furthermore women are no longer going to church, celebrations, and gatherings. Those who do come use cash exclusively. “There is no sending and receiving like before” in her social network, Risper said. Her children are home from school, and she must cook much more often for them.

Alex is another informal worker in Sweet Water. He butchers and sells fresh chicken, but his business is near collapse. He has no customers, cannot any longer buy chicken in bulk so he must pay more for his stock. His children are home as well and he has been feeding them chicken, further threatening his business. Normally he reaches out to friends and siblings when life is hard. But these days “My friends are not on jobs, so they don’t send me.” There has been more conflict in his home because of money problems. Taxi driver Gerald said that most savings club members have not met their obligations for March or April – again, people have no money. Taxi driving gave him a lot of money at night, but in the day people will take the bus. Disagreements at home have ensued.

Timothy is 25 and in sales for off-grid solar lighting (pay as you go).  He also makes money ride hailing on a rented motorcycle (boda boda). His wife runs a retail shop near their home. In the past month he has had fewer customers for solar lighting, and many of his clients are having trouble paying. He used to give several customers motorcycle rides at a time, but these days he is checked by the police constantly for overloading (which is against social distancing rules) and he is afraid of being arrested. As a worker in the transportation field the police would often hassle him before as well, but nowadays harassment has increased. Now that police have been charged with enforcing curfews and other COVID restrictions, they will arrest you for any reason. Timothy will have trouble paying rent to the owner of his motorcycle. His mobile money social network has also been affected. He used to send money to his mother (his natal home where she still lives is about 30 km away) and his wife in equal amounts to “balance the money;” but since COVID he has only been able to send money to his wife.


Payment Channels 
Methods of payment are changing and, as in other places, are revealing the effects of social and economic class. In spite of the suspension on fees, the increasing use of digital payment is concentrated among wealthier people who shop in the supermarkets and spend more money. The poor are focusing on cash as they pay in small amounts. Cash is also, we discovered, a way to keep value safe in these uncertain times. Many people who are in debt to Safaricom’s Fuliza services keep and use cash. This is because any amount loaded onto the Safaricom wallet will automatically be deducted to pay the Fuliza balance. Consequently, many people use cash to avoid their balance garnished to pay the Fuliza digital debt.

Sweet Water shopkeeper Mamake is sending and receiving a lot less with her friends and relatives. No one has any money right now, she said. As before, most of her customers pay a few pennies cash for goods packaged in the smallest quantities. Wealthier customers go to the shops where they can follow the government directives to use digital payment. She says her customers “can’t afford to put money on their phones.” The costs of goods has increased for her, but she cannot raise her prices. Her customers will not afford the goods, so she has tightened her own margins instead. She is the breadwinner in her home and her children depend on her work. She has started feeding the family with items from her shop out of necessity – but it will also hurt her business.

A lucky few have found opportunity in these circumstances. Faith runs a movie shop where she sells DVDs for 50 shillings (US$00.50) to people who can afford this luxury. Because many people are staying home she is getting more business. Her customers come in the evening before curfew. Most are paying with M-Pesa because of the belief that cash spreads the virus. Kids are paying with cash. They are home from school, and they pool their coins together to pay. With increased business, she spends more time and money on transport, electricity, and internet for downloading and copying movies. Her children eat at home now which is costing her more money. But she carefully noted that money transfer services have dropped transaction fees. She is sending more money to her rural home and she is able to help friends who are out of work and need food with cash and money transfer. Similarly, Peter, a barber, says his business has not changed. People will always want to look good, he says. James runs a video shop and says business is normal. People are sending less; so he is trying to help his family and friends when he can. He recently sent 500 Kenyan Shillings (US$5) to a friend who was travelling.

Uncertainty was foremost in peoples’ thoughts about the virus. Used clothes seller Jacob has been destitute since market days were banned. His stock has skyrocketed in price and he has had trouble selling clothes to customers, who think his clothes might be from China and therefore be contaminated. He expressed a great deal of sadness in our interview:
"I lack happiness because I need more money for my family because their needs are not met. I do not send money to friends, because I do not have. Neither do they send me. Fewer people are sharing with friends with M-Pesa as before. Will the government lock down completely? People are sending very small amounts, but they are also keeping money. Because we do not know what will happen with this virus situation."
What will happen? Will the extreme sacrifices that Africa’s poor are making to stop the virus make a difference in the end? COVID-19 and public health efforts to contain it are causing extreme shocks to Kenyan households. Their social networks are their safety net, but they may not be strong enough to provide much resilience, beyond the day to day survival of small digital loans. Will the social networks of mobile money survive the virus?


References

1 Traders, including women traders, from the region around Machakos through their activity built networks connecting the colonial capital with supplies of foodstuffs and other goods. See Claire Robertson, Trouble Showed the Way, 1997, Indiana University Press.

2 Kusimba, Sibel, Gabriel Kunyu, and Elizabeth Gross. 2018. Social Networks of Mobile Money in Kenya. In Money at the Margins: Global Perspectives on Technology, Financial Inclusion & Design, edited by Bill Maurer, Ivan Small, and Smoki Musaraj, Berghahn, London, pp. 179-199

Stay tuned for Part 3: 
"South Africa in lockdown: innovation in G2P payments"






Tuesday, May 26, 2020

Part 1: COVID and Digital Payment in Kenya and South Africa: Crisis Innovation?

COVID and Financial Technologies in South Africa and Kenya 

A Three-Part Blog
Part 1: "COVID and digital payment in Kenya and South Africa: Crisis innovation?"
Part 2: "The war on COVID in Kenya: Will the social networks of mobile money survive?"
Part 3: "South Africa in lockdown: Innovation in G2P payments"

Business groups want to end lockdown restrictions.
In the caption, a worker sanitizes a truck performing food delivery.
South Africa’s Sunday Times May 10, 2020. 


Part 1 of 3: "COVID and Digital Payment in Kenya and South Africa: Crisis Innovation?" 

by Sibel KusimbaUniversity of South Florida

How will the outbreak of COVID-19 and the response to it affect the use of mobile money and financial technology in sub-Saharan Africa? In this three-part blog series we will take a look at Kenya and South Africa during COVID-19 pandemic. How have sudden imperatives, from social distancing to lockdowns to transportation restrictions, effected the use of money transfer, banking and loans? Will the dire economic threats to both the informal economy and the global markets spell the end of pro-poor innovations, or will new forms of payment create lasting money relations?

Mobile Money: Disaster Innovation? 
Disasters upend normal life and introduce new risks or dangers. Yet, disasters and their aftermath have catalyzed some of the most successful fintech innovations. After China’s 2008 Wenchuan or Sichuan earthquake killed hundreds of thousands of people and displaced 5 million families, charity donations received more than 100 billion yuan in donations over digital channels like WeChat1. Remittances are a valuable response tool in the wake of natural disasters such as the earthquakes in Rwanda and Haiti2.

M-Pesa’s 2007 roll-out was followed just a few months later by a disputed national election. Accusations of vote rigging triggered months of post-election unrest, especially in opposition areas, and led to 1500 deaths; roads were blocked and stores and banks closed. Anthropologist Olga Morawczynski was in Western Kenya at the time3.  She found that the use of M-Pesa increased dramatically during the period of violence - with hundreds waiting in line to visit agents - and that money flows also actually reversed. Usually Kibera residents sent money and airtime their rural relatives. But during the political crisis urban residents relied on relatives in the western Kenyan locality of Bukara to send them money. In turn they used airtime to keep relatives in Bukara informed about their safety. Morawczynski’s account suggests that unusual circumstances may be more important for the origin story of M-Pesa than is commonly acknowledged.

Many parts of the South have been greatly effected by the coronavirus outbreak and the response to it. In the developing world, harshly enforced restrictions have been implemented with the hope of slowing the spread of the virus in densely populated areas. But lockdowns, work restrictions, and police harassment are preventing informal work, which many residents of those very areas rely on for income. Many workers have decided to return to the rural areas, and confusion around transportation and movements may have helped spread the virus. Disruption of the global economy has begun, including loss of tourism, global supply chain disruptions, and drops in manufacturing. Investors have turned away from emerging markets. The month of March saw more than US$100 billion dollars in capital flight from the developing world - which will weaken currencies and cause prices to rise4.

The fallout may hit Africa especially hard. About half of Africans face unemployment. Small businesses will not only have fewer customers, but global trade could also be disrupted. Higher prices, food shortages and income loss threaten informal workers and farmers. Funding for microfinance is likely to suffer. In Kenya, the crisis has put the spotlight is on P2P payments. The way agents and rural-urban family networks respond to the crisis will again be key to the story. In South Africa, G2P payments are the focus. The government is facing political and economic pressure to expand an already extensive social grants system without exposing beneficiaries to further risk from the virus.

Kenya’s Pandemic Response: Curfews, Transport Bans, Digital Payment
On March 6 Kenya made public their first case of COVID-19 in a college student returning home from the US. The authorities immediately quarantined and tested 27 persons who had contact with the student, revealing two more positive cases. Three days later official country-wide response began, including social distancing and closing off the country to international flights. A nightly curfew began in mid-March to reduce informal workers’ activities without cutting of their livelihoods altogether, and the President hosted Christian, Muslim and Hindu clerics for a televised National Day of Prayer on March 21. On April 7, all passage in and out of major cities was cut off, causing chaos on roads and buses.

In the March 7 edict, President Kenyatta made a point of putting money at the center of the country’s coronavirus response. He encouraged Kenyans to use electronic payment channels, warning that passing cash from hand to hand could hasten the spread of coronavirus. In sync with his directive, providers in Kenya and Uganda have cut or lifted the fees for mobile money services for the foreseeable future. If President Kenyatta’s directive spurs a turn to digital payment, the COVID-19 pandemic will be the second time a crisis has facilitated the adoption of mobile money in Kenya.

The current pandemic response could, like the events of 2007 and 2008, further drive use and innovation with money transfer. Without reliable transportation for the foreseeable future, the mobile channel will be the only mediator for in-country remittances. Furthermore, the reduction or cancelling of fees could demonstrate the effects of a free service and the value of a public infrastructure for digital payments. Another area that might be lifted is digital microinsurance. For example, Equity Bank customers build up “hospital cash” as a reward for using the bank’s digital channels and loans; claim submission process requires submitting a digital photo of a hospital bill. The Kenyan government has received the assurance from the insurance industry that COVID-19 claims will be accepted. If hunger, food shortages, and illness spread widely, relief through cash transfers or in-kind distributions could also become a focus.

Social grant queue in East London - The South African. Photo credit: John Sharp

South Africa: Lockdowns and Social Grants
South Africa’s first case of COVID-19 was announced on May 5 in a returning citizen visiting Italy. The very next morning, the biometric security system at the University of Pretoria campus where I am a visiting fellow was disabled to prevent spread of the virus. President Cyril Ramaphosa declared the coronavirus pandemic a national disaster ten days later. Afflicted persons were put under isolation, including 60 German tourists who arrived just before flights ceased. On March 16, the university closed altogether. Within three days the 30,000-student campus and dormitories seemed completely empty. Finally, on March 26, with 1000 cases recorded and two deaths, the country went beyond Kenya’s curfew approach and called a national five-week lockdown. Dog walking and sales of alcohol, cigarettes and cosmetics were proscribed. On May 1, a phased reopening approach began outside of hotspots.

BBC News wrote that “South Africa seems to have acted faster, more efficiently, and more ruthlessly than many other countries around the world.”  The country won deserved recognition from the World Health Organization for assertively confronting the virus, including door-to-door testing in at-risk communities by 28,000 health workers.  The result has been a flatter curve than other countries; but it has come at a price. There has been looting and illicit trade of alcohol and cigarettes. Like elsewhere, domestic violence has increased. The actions of police and army have included mass arrests, violence and moving the homeless into camps and sports stadiums. As in many countries, social distancing is a privilege; while the middle classes and white-collar workers can work from home, the many informally employed are unable to pursue their activities. Rituals and celebrations are out; unemployment has affected mining, retail, and manufacturing. Poverty and food insecurity have suddenly deepened in the past weeks.

April 27 was Freedom Day in South Africa, commemorating the first democratic elections on that day in 1994. In 2020 it was also day 32 of a strict national lockdown and its economic and political fallout. In televised remarks to the nation, the president and some of the opposition addressed the nation. First came words by Julius Malema of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF)– a populist leftist group borne of but now sitting in opposition to the ruling African National Congress. For many South Africans poverty and hopelessness has increased over the past 25 years.  The EFF have advocated a massive redistribution of South Africa’s wealth to the black majority and has called out the banking industry for its failure to serve the average citizen. Malema has proclaimed 2020 “a year of action against the racist financial sector.” Malema spoke of how the lockdown had underscored poverty, inequality, and police brutality. But he cautioned the government not to lift restrictions too soon and instructed his supporters to respect the policy. President Ramaphosa spoke next and acknowledged the challenge of social inequality, calling the pandemic an opportunity to “reimagine equality in South Africa.” The dueling speeches underscored that the sacrifices required by the lockdowns were not being borne equally.

To walk the tightrope between the lockdown and the public health challenge, officials have donated parts of their salaries to the country’s solidarity fund. And most importantly, they are relying on financial technologies – specifically an expansion of G2P payments - to help the vulnerable and maintain public support. On April 23 President Ramaphosa announced that grants to the elderly, child caretakers and the unemployed will be increased; the program is expanding to the unemployed for at least six months.

Some question the value of lockdowns in Africa, which is imposing unachievable social distancing constraints and shutting down the livelihoods of the majority of Africans who are informally employed. Lockdowns have also been misused in countries where state power is routinely directed against the poor.  Unfortunately, as elsewhere they have contributed to a public debate in which public health is falsely pitted against economic thriving.

Will brave Kenyan mobile money agents stay open again? How will South Africa’s expansion of social grants pay out amidst the COVID crisis? What will the upheaval reveal about financial inclusion, and the relationship between digital finance and the state? Stay tuned for two more pieces about P2P in Kenya and G2P in South Africa.

References
1 Richart, Rebecca. 2018. “Rocking the Earth: Natural Disasters and the Roots of Philanthrotech in China.” California-Shanghai Innovation Dialogues. Irvine, CA, Sept. 28; see also Shieh, Shawn, and Guosheng Deng. 2011. An Emerging Civil Society: The Impact of the 2008 Sichuan Earthquake on grass-roots associations in China. The China Journal, No. 65, 181-194.

2 Joshua Blumenstock, Marcel Fafchamps and Nathan Eagle (2012), “Charity and Reciprocity in Mobile Phone-Based Giving in the Aftermath of Earthquakes and Natural Disasters.”

3 Morawczynski, Olga. 2009. Exploring the usage and impact of “transformational” mobile financial services: the case of M-PESA in Kenya Journal of Eastern African Studies 3:509-525.

4 Canuto, Otaviano. “Coronavirus Brought a Perfect Storm to Developing Countries. Webinar by PrakalsaTalk, Effects Household Over-Indebtedness in the Corona Driven Recession, April 14, 2020.


Wednesday, May 13, 2020

Filene Fill-In Ep. 66: Managing Misinformation in the Midst of a Pandemic

Podcast with Filene Fellow Bill Maurer and Dr. Joan Donovan


In this episode of the Filene Fill-In, Filene Research Institute discusses what credit unions can do to combat the spread of disinformation and misinformation, and sustain the level of trust they’ve built with their communities and their members. Plus, we share resources below (COVID-19 Financial Scams: Look out for these scams!) and talk about some tangible ways credit unions can deal with the spread of misinformation if it is happening on their digital and social platforms.




"In a public health crisis, timely, reliable and trustworthy information is critical to safeguarding people’s health and well-being. Unfortunately, the widespread adoption of digital media and information technologies today has made it easier and faster to produce, disseminate, and be exposed to false or manipulated content, from simple misinformation to conspiracy theories to hate speech.

Our research fellow for the Center of Excellence for Emerging Technology, Social Sciences Dean, and IMTFI Director Bill Maurer of UC Irvine has professed through his work with us that credit unions have a great role to play in lessening consumer anxieties by reassuring their members, fighting to protect their communities, and making wise decisions about our future.

Bill returns to another episode of our podcast with Taylor and I, in which we are most fortunate to be joined by Dr. Joan Donovan -- Director of the Technology and Social Change Research Project at the Shorenstein Center on Media, Politics and Public Policy at Harvard Kennedy School.

In this episode, we discuss what credit unions can do to combat the spread of disinformation and misinformation, and sustain the level of trust they’ve built with their communities and their members. Plus, we discuss some common scams that we’re seeing and how to protect against them. We talk about some tangible ways credit unions can deal with the spread of misinformation if it is happening on their digital and social platforms.

Find out why Joan says local and redundant information is so valuable right now. And stick around for recommended trusted sources of information from our experts -- BONUS: stay till the very very end for a special coronavirus song from Bill. It’s no lie."




Resources:
Novel Coronavirus (2019-nCoV) Situation Reports, World Health Organization
Surge of Virus Misinformation Stumps Facebook and Twitter, The New York Times
How to fight an infodemic, The Lancet
The coronavirus is the first true social-media “infodemic", MIT Technology Review
Here’s how social media can combat the coronavirus ‘infodemic’, MIT Technology Review
How search engines disseminate information about COVID-19 and why they should do better, Harvard Kennedy School Misinformation Review
Coronavirus Misinformation Spreads on Facebook, Watchdog Says, Wall Street Journal
‘Surviving the Coronavirus Infodemic’, UW Center for an Informed Public
COVID-19 Financial Scams: Look out for these scams!, UC Irvine

See original post at Filene's Resource Hub



Thursday, April 23, 2020

A Survey of Fair and Responsible Machine Learning and Artificial Intelligence: Implications for Consumer Financial Services

by Stephen C. Rea, PhD, Research Assistant Professor at Colorado School of Mines and former IMTFI Research Assistant


Capital One Eno Chatbot

Stephen Rea recently published a white paper surveying literature in computer science, law, and the social sciences on developments in machine learning and artificial intelligence, with special focus on their implications for consumer financial services in the United States. This project grew out of a joint collaboration between IMTFI and Capital One's Responsible AI Program. We present here an excerpt from the introduction to the white paper, followed by some updates about recent developments in this space. 

Excerpt
Machine learning (ML) algorithms and the artificial intelligence (AI) systems that they enable are powerful technologies that have inspired a lot of excitement, especially within large business and governmental organizations. In an era when increasingly concentrated computing power enables the creation, collection, and storage of “big data,” ML algorithms have the capacity to identify non-intuitive correlations in massive datasets, and as such can theoretically be more efficient and effective than humans at using those correlations to make accurate predictions. What is more, AI systems powered by ML algorithms represent a means of removing human prejudices from decision-making processes; since an AI system renders its decisions based solely on the data available, it can avoid the conscious and unconscious biases that often influence human decision-makers.

Contrary to this rosy picture of ML and AI, though, decades of evidence demonstrate how these technologies are not as objective and unbiased as many perhaps wish they were. Biases can be encoded in the datasets on which ML algorithms are trained, arising from poor sampling strategies, incomplete or erroneous information, and the social inequalities that exist in the actual world. And since ML algorithms and AI systems cannot build themselves, the humans who construct them may, however unintentionally, introduce their own biases when deciding on a model’s goals, selecting features, identifying which attributes are relevant, and developing classifiers. Additionally, the inherent complexities of ML algorithms that defy explanation even for the most expert practitioners can make it difficult, if not impossible, to identify the root causes of unfair decisions. That same opacity also presents an obstacle for individuals who believe that they have been evaluated unfairly, want to challenge a decision, or try to determine who should—or even ​could​—be held accountable for mistakes.

Compared to other fields, the financial services industry has taken a relatively conservative approach to ML/AI integrations. Consumer-facing applications like robo-advisors for portfolio management, AI-powered banking assistants, algorithmic trading programs, and proactive marketing tools, as well as harnessing the power of ML to do sentiment analysis of social media feeds and news stories in search of trendlines, have garnered a lot of media attention. However, the visibility of initiatives like these in press releases and news items exaggerates their role in financial services today, as they represent less than one-tenth of the funding received in the financial technology, or “fintech,” vendor space. Thus far, financial institutions have primarily invested in ML and AI for automating routine, back-office tasks, improving fraud detection and cybersecurity, and making regulatory compliance easier. 

The current state of ML and AI in consumer financial services, then, is one in which there is still enormous opportunity for innovation, but also reasons to be cautious. To paraphrase the feminist geographer Doreen Massey, some individuals and groups are more on the “receiving end” of these technologies than others. In other words, ML and AI’s advantages and disadvantages are not equally distributed. Nor are the vulnerabilities entailed by digital surveillance techniques for data creation and collection, the sorts of harm that can occur from an erroneous data entry and the burden for correcting it, or the ability to affect how an algorithm interprets one’s individual attributes and characteristics. In many ways, ML/AI research’s most important contributions have been demonstrating the extent to which structural inequalities—that is, conditions by which one or more groups of people are afforded unequal status and/or opportunities in comparison to other groups—persist by providing quantifiable, documented evidence of social disparities. If an organization’s reason for integrating ML- and AI-powered systems is to improve its decision-making procedures so as to make them both more accurate and fairer, then it is imperative to understand and account for persistent inequalities in the social contexts where those systems are embedded. Furthermore, assessing how exactly an algorithmic and/or automated decision-making system could impact specific populations, the risk that it could violate legal standards prohibiting discrimination, and the extent to which the system could perpetuate structural inequalities are of the utmost importance when deciding whether or not to make the integration in the first place.

You can read the rest of the white paper on SSRN.

Updates
Work in ML and AI is fast-moving, and in the time since this paper was published, there have been a number of developments that will affect how these technologies are integrated with the consumer financial services industry and beyond. Two in particular merit attention here:

1) Congressional action: On February 12, 2020, the U.S. House Committee on Financial Services' Task Force on Artificial Intelligence heard testimony from experts on AI, ML, and race and inclusion in a panel titled “Equitable Algorithms: Examining Ways to Reduce AI Bias in Financial Services.” The Committee acknowledged the usefulness of standards for the fairness and accuracy of AI applications in financial services, while also noting that existing laws such as the Equal Credit Opportunity Act, the Fair Housing Act, and the Fair Credit Reporting Act are inadequate in many respects for regulating AI's impact. The panel of experts recommended drafting a definition of "fairness" that could be used for evaluating ML, developing audit and assessment methods for locating biases in data and models, and requiring ML/AI developers to implement and report upon continuous monitoring plans that can detect new biases as they emerge. They also voiced concern regarding the Department of Housing and Urban Development's plans to revise the Fair Housing Act's disparate impact standards, and how such action might exacerbate the discriminatory effects of AI in home lending. 

2) Sandvig v. Barr decision: In March 2020, the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia delivered its ruling in Sandvig v. Barr, which challenged a provision in the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act (CFAA) that made it a crime for researchers and journalists to use "dummy" accounts for the purposes of auditing algorithms in order to identify possible discrimination. The American Civil Liberties Union had initially brought the lawsuit in 2016 on behalf of a group of academics and journalists led by Christian Sandvig of University of Michigan's School of Information. The plaintiffs argued that the CFAA violated their First Amendment rights, and noted that comparable research activities were not illegal in offline contexts. The Court ruled in favor of the plaintiffs, thereby opening the door for more independent review of ML/AI applications and scoring an important victory for researchers' ability to hold algorithms and the institutions that use them accountable.

Additional Resources
AI Now Institute: https://ainowinstitute.org
Data and Society's AI on the Ground initiative: https://datasociety.net/research/ai-on-the-ground/

Thursday, April 16, 2020

The Use of Money to Maintain Connection (and Toilet Paper)

Pandemic Insights
Bill Maurer in Anthropology News, American Anthropological Association(AAA)



When I received an email containing one of the first Covid-19 payment memes—“How do you wish to pay?”, with an image of Visa, MasterCard, and a roll of toilet paper—I thought, OK, there might be some interesting payment and money things I should pay attention to during this pandemic. Students and colleagues sent me lots more toilet-paper themed memes and made jokes: about scenes of barter, the transactors trying to determine an exchange rate; toilet paper on a golden platter; stores accepting toilet paper rolls for one cup of coffee or one scoop of ice cream (“must be new; one roll per visit”). A satirical (I think!) account of a churchgoer placing a roll of toilet paper on the collection plate. One Sunday afternoon my family ordered delivery. Every order over $40 came with a free roll of toilet paper.

In between all the new kinds of work involved in transitioning a large university to fully-online operations, I filed away the toilet paper stuff in a special email folder. Toilet paper economies.

But when the University of California, Irvine Graduate Division announced that it would henceforth accept scanned forms and digital signatures (it has long been a preserve and holdout of paper) and more than that, suspend all fee payment associated with those forms—which heretofore had to be paid with paper check—I thought, game on! This pandemic is changing payment.

Some establishments—my local ice creamery, for instance—have suspended all in-store payments and require customers to pay online for curbside pickups. Some places ask you to Venmo. CNN aired a segment on cash as a possible vector for viruses, and a company offering contactless tap-and-pay card readers has launched a marketing blitz. But cash is still there, too. In fact, cash demand is way, way up. It is at the restaurants offering take-out whose proprietors prefer the one-way transmission of cash to the back-and-forth passing of card or card terminal between customer and vendor. It is in the cash stashes people are starting to build up. A reporter from the Financial Times called me asking why people are stockpiling cash (not just toilet paper) when the cash distribution system is not likely to be disrupted the way it has been when hurricanes and floods knock out servers or the electricity grid.

Continue reading original post here:
https://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2020/04/09/the-use-of-money-to-maintain-connection-and-toilet-paper/

Thursday, March 26, 2020

Because money makes the world go 'round

Bill Maurer, PhD, IMTFI Director, Dean, UCI School of Social Sciences explains money's many meanings, particularly amid the COVID-19 pandemic and times of crisis, in this piece for the Consortium of Social Science Associations (COSSA).



I often get asked questions like, “What is an anthropologist like you doing studying money? I thought that was the domain of economists!” The archaeological and ethnographic record is full of objects, texts, and records of promises humans have used for millennia to mark transactions with one another and figure value. It’s true that I enjoy working with and thinking about those objects, and among my favorite places are the money galleries in museums around the world and at the regional branches of the U.S. Federal Reserve. But the anthropology of money is more than an archive of the arcane. Understanding practices like bridewealth, involving objects like the tevau of the Santa Cruz Islands, can shed light on how contemporary money is far more than a neutral medium of exchange. This matters for product design, financial literacy programming, and macroeconomic policy, too.

Indeed, now that the world is in a global pandemic caused by the rapid spread of the COVID-19 virus, what people do with money and its technologies has acquired a new kind of significance. Although the virus apparently does not survive for long on fibrous materials like cloth and paper, reports have surged of Chinese and other officials ordering the disinfecting of banknotes to prevent its spread. The fintech industry conference organization Money 2020, promoting its (almost certainly to be cancelled) next event, proclaimed in an email that the pandemic would usher in the end of cash and the era of digital payments—despite the fact that most in-person digital payments (at your local take-out restaurant now, for example) rely on plastic and metal cards and point of sale devices, touched by many hands, on which the virus can survive for several hours. And in Kenya, the authorities are recommending all Kenyans use mobile phones to pay—about which, more below.

Economic uncertainty is leading many to horde cash, which may intensify a trend that had already been in motion given historically low interest rates—now even lower—and shifting behaviors related to digital payment. The Federal Reserve reports a steady increase in cash demand, despite a decline in cash transactions. Since the rich are putting their money in things like money market funds and CDs, however, this cannot be due to their behavior. With all the ways to pay via laptop, mobile phone or smart watch, why should the Fed need to supply banks with more and more banknotes? We found a clue in some recent research on young people’s use of budgeting apps like Mint. We set out to understand what financial literacy lessons—if any—such apps taught their users. But along the way we discovered that some of our subjects were withdrawing cash from the ATM on payday and stashing it away, because services like Venmo had made it so easy to spend the money in their bank account. Whereas, for me, the money in the bank is my store of value, for them, Venmo had turned bank money into current-use funds. Storing cash was a means of controlling spending. Cash is not dead or dying—its uses are just changing.


Read the full piece, courtesy of COSSA: https://www.whysocialscience.com/blog/2020/3/24/because-money-makes-the-world-go-round

Why Social Science? is a project of the Consortium of Social Science Associations, a 501(c)(6) non-profit organization based in Washington, DC. Our goal is to share the benefits and contributions of federally-funded social and behavioral science research with the public and encourage its widespread use for tackling challenges of national importance. To learn more about COSSA visit www.cossa.org. #whysocialscience

Tuesday, February 25, 2020

Virtual Currencies and the State - B. Maurer, Money at the Zero Lower Bound

Bill Maurer in Just Money's Roundtable 2: Virtual Currencies and the State

I picked up a copy of the Financial Times in the Munich airport on my way home from keynoting the Bundesbank’s biannual International Cash Conference. The lead article, headlined “Draghi calls for urgent spending as he relaunches stimulus,” reported that the European Central Bank had lowered interest rates deeper into negative territory, to -0.5%. In the opinion pages, anthropologist and regular columnist Gillian Tett observed that negative interest rates were constraining policy options to stimulate growth, which might compel central banks to coordinate more directly with fiscal policy makers—thereby lessening, if not abandoning, central bank independence. Lack of monetary policy options was  leading to a “changing zeitgeist,” she wrote.

At the Bundesbank conference, attended by people affiliated with the cash payments divisions of central banks and others, researchers presented data on the increase in cash demand despite the decline of cash transactions at the point of sale. People are increasingly paying with their mobile phone or cards, but at the same time, negative interest spotlights the cost of bank deposits, suddenly making cash a smarter option for savings. At the conference, lighthearted disagreements over whether to call this “cash hoarding” gave way to more insistent pleas for what some called “non-transactional” cash to be recognized as a rational response to negative interest with consequences for commercial banking and banknote design. If people are going to hoard cash, then perhaps banks need to get into the business of building vaults. And if people are going to want cash as a store of value resistant to negative interest, perhaps innovative banknote design should support hoarding: the cash should be more durable, stackable, maybe smaller than a standard banknote, and able to be kept in a cupboard and easily stashed in a backpack, should one need to escape a natural disaster, political instability, or war.

These were European designers, talking about European banknotes. This is a changing zeitgeist indeed.

Cash limits just how low interest rates can go, unless governments find a way to levy and enforce a tax on cash. Cash holdings are an alternative to paying the bank to hold your deposits—at least until the cost of storage, security and insurance approach the cost of paying negative interest. Hence: vaults. If for everyday transactions cash serves as a control mechanism for consumption (the pain of seeing your cash go away introduces a mental speed-bump in your spending), at the monetary policy level cash is a control mechanism defining a limit to the “innovative” monetary policies we have seen since the global financial crisis.

To read the full discussion, please visit https://justmoney.org/b-maurer-money-at-the-zero-lower-bound/.

Friday, February 7, 2020

New bank account, who dis?

IMTFI Director Bill Maurer talks about fintech apps in this Dope Labs podcast by Zakiya Whatley, Titi Shodiya & Jenny Radelet Mast


Interview Transcript Excerpt:

Zakiya: FinTech is all around us and it can feel like these apps have been around forever, but that's not exactly the case.

Titi: Yes, so our first question for Dr. Maurer was when did all of this stuff start popping up?

Dr. Maurer: This really kind of hit the scene in a big way in 2008 and 2009 with the launch of the iPhone.

Zakiya: Yes, the iPhone launch in the U.S. in 2007. But the iPhone 3G came on the scene in 2008.

Titi: Revolutionary.

Zakiya: Changed everything.

Dr. Maurer: All of a sudden people have this really cool device that fits in their pocket and is basically a terrific interface into a whole bunch of different applications are a whole kind of appecology grew up around the iPhone and similar devices. And people in Silicon Valley and in the banking industry and payments industry started realizing, hey, this device, this suite of devices and apps could really change people's relationship to their money into the existing financial and banking infrastructure.

Zakiya: I love that he describes this as ecology because we've talked about ecology on a couple of different episodes.

Titi: Yes.

Zakiya: And so the ecology is just how different things usually in biology we say how different organisms interact with one another. But now we're saying, how do these different apps talk to each other? How do people want to access the information now that they have a smartphone? So it's really cool to think about this in the context of more of a relationship.

Titi: Yes. So these apps have created their own special environment.

Zakiya: That's right. So the first category we're walking through is personal finance. These are apps like Mint, Credit Karma, You need a budget, and even your personal banking app. Generally, they help you manage your spending and saving.

Dr. Maurer: These apps basically serve almost as like training wheels. Right. So it's like training wheels on a bicycle that teaches you a little bit about budgeting and investing or savings. It's usually not enough to get you where you need to go, but it gives you basic skills and a basic vocabulary. So then you can start talking to other people, to friends, to your parents, or even walk into your credit union or bank and start asking better questions.

Titi: And these apps or services can be really good for helping people make smarter financial decisions. This help comes primarily in two ways. The first is by data visualization or giving people charts and graphs to show them what they're really doing with their money.

Dr. Maurer: For so many people. Money is just coming in and going out and they're not really being mindful about it or paying any attention to where things are going.


Listen to the full podcast and read full transcript to learn more about algorithmic bias, personal finance, and gender & credit. Links below.

Via podcast: https://megaphone.link/GLT5697101460 or online at https://www.dopelabspodcast.com/listen (Lab 021: New Bank Account, Who Dis?).

Full transcript:
https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5b38f40b7e3c3a94b302ba0d/t/5e347323e051ef5d568babaf/1580495652102/lab+021+transcript.pdf

For further reading, view Filene Research Report: "The Lessons of Fintech Apps: Design Matters for Personal Finance​"