|Getting A Shave: Lagos, Nigeria by Jan Chipchase|
Wednesday, December 21, 2011
Friday, December 16, 2011
Wednesday, December 7, 2011
Maurer showed some of the illustrations gathered by Jane Guyer in her project documenting Wikipedia's illustrations of the entry on "Market." Although he showed farmers displaying cabbage and the London corn exchange from Guyer's collection, he argued that conventional representations of a market as a site that sets price through supply and demand was little more than a nostalgic imaginary construction that did little to foster understanding of how mobile money actually operates. As he said, "the world of fees and commissions is coming into contact with a social world with things that look like this but aren't." Instead, he asserted that refugee camps might be the best example of the general concepts discussed at the conference, as the image of a Somali refugee camp replaced the commercial and pastoral images shown earlier. As Maurer put it, "let's pluralize 'the market' into multiple intersecting circuits of finance."
In discussing behavior change around mobile money, Maurer also insisted that it was important not to overlook "the importance of fun and enjoyment," because it was "easy to think of the poor as just having needs and not having desires." He also reminded audience members that "the poor don't aspire to be entrepreneurs necessarily" and encouraged them to think about Melissa Cliver's work on "economies of enoughness."
In the final panel of the annual IMFTI conference on "Mobile Money: Lessons for Microfinance and Design" moderator Paul Dourish emphasized how the shift in thinking from "user-centered design" to "design-centered use" could be applied to mobile money systems. (The video above shows mobile phone operated vending machines in China.)
The first talk on the "Impact of Mobile Money Services on Microfinance Institutions by Patricia Pulido, Maricruz LaCalle, and Casey Conzett focused on an analysis of operational costs in Tanzania, where they said mobile money services were not developed despite the entry of companies like TIGO and Vodacom in the market and a growing role for microfinance institutions that emphasize small-scale finance. Researchers studied 37 institutions all over the region, which included places like Mufundi Community Bank, Njombe Community Bank, or Tandahimba Community Bank. They interviewed general managers, loan officers, and other bank personnel and identified a number of reasons that mobile money might be appealing, including "flexibility to adapt to client needs" (44%), "greater outreach to rural areas" (30%), "new sources of revenue by commissions" (30%), and a "greater number of clients" (15%). They also cited difficulties when electricity was unstable or the network slow, problems with training and marketing existed, or forced loyalties restrained consumer choice. Although they lamented limitations of time and acknowledged that "the field is not a laboratory," they pointed out that this was also highly original research given current literature reviews.
Speakers Panthea Lee and Zack Brisson of Reboot presented a design-savvy talk about "Value Systems in China: A User-Centered Approach to Designing Inclusive Second-Generation Banking." (Brisson was formerly active in the anti-genocide organization Enough.) In leading off his talk, Brisson joked that it was "almost as scary talking to a room full of anthropologists as it is to talk to a room of psychoanalysts." He described ReBoot as devoted to "getting to better research results" by understanding "lives and contexts" and the fact that "process maters." In focusing on China as a region of interest with an economy that was "literally skyrocketing," he argued that it was important not to forget the "many left behind" by "exacerbated economic inequality. Now, he insisted "innovation is possible" if it aims at "an inclusive, second-generation banking system. Brisson argued that China was a particularly likely area in which the unbanked could become banked through mobile money, because 70% of the population used mobile phones, remittances already shaped financial practices, and there were many existing agents. Like M-PESA in Kenya, there was also a clear vision for partnership between the telcom and the financial institution, as in the case of China Mobile and Shanghai Pudong Development Bank. Although these technologies may follow different uptake patterns, "desire for financial stability is universal."
Brisson and Lee described the core of their methodology as ethnography. Their study of study of mobile money focused on 4 cities and 6 towns and villages across a cross-section of the country. During a period of three weeks they conducted 113 interviews in the context of homes, places of business, or communal gathering points. The study relied on both unstructured and structured interviews and observations of direct service use in sectors such as health care and travel. As they explained, after unprofitable rural banks were closed as a result of market reforms, there was a strong need for mobile money to improve access to financial services. They noted that migrant populations were another important factor in the economies that they studied and that such Chinese often treated as another commodity, although they contributed to half of the nation's GDP and worked much needed high-risk, low security jobs. Furthermore, the marginalization of minority populations could create more obstacles to financial inclusion for certain segments of the unbanked, such as herdsman who had been forbidden from raising livestock by the authorities. (Older parents may have been compensated for the loss of their livelihoods, but children were not eligible for these government payments.)
Lee and Brisson emphasized three main themes:
1. Trust, defined by the in-group tendencies of kin, caste, or geography
2. Uncertainty, which might cause some to choose to forgo the risks associated with pursuing wealth. (As one couple said of their lives under Mao, "We knew we were poor, and would continue to be poor. That's better than not knowing where we will be tomorrow.")
Lee and Brisson argued that it was necessary to design for agents, intermediaries, and influencers, not just end-users and to focus on trust, networks, and relationships. (Those interested in this approach may also want to check out the "infomediaries" research of The Global Impact Study and the work of François Bar.) For more about the work of Lee and Brisson in China, see ReBoot's blog posting on "Mobile Money in the Land of Mao."
"Best Practices in Mobile Microfinance" by Fatima Yousif, Elizabeth Berthe, and Olga Morawczynski provided a global overview of how the technology was being adopted in multiple countries. As Yousif explained, although MNOs focus on quickly profitable services, MFIs have to focus on the hard-to-reach and difficult-to-profit from. In their study an online survey was sent to over 100 microfinance institutions, and the group also conducted direct interviews of 16 MFIs, mostly in Kenya 16 MFIs, with the aim of addressing the relationship between "industry and us" and the "need to address real needs." By focusing on areas like low agent penetration, the group was able to examine social and commercial sustainability. Socio-cultural complications and research challenges are inevitable when mobile phones are frequently shared, there are problems with checks and controls, and there are low literacy levels. Yousif noted that in Cambodia low-end phones might not able to read Khmer script, and that there may be other complications in countries with citizens who have low literacy levels in own language to begin with relying on text applications. She also observed that there may be situations in which it is still less expensive to travel to a bank than to use mobile payment services, so newer technical solutions weren't always welcome. She said that it was surprising to see how few institutions did cost-benefit analyses, and how many providers assumed that there was no need for market research, because a particular approach was "obvious." In a market dominated by money transfers, where mobile network operaters know they can make the most profit, innovation was often hampered by pre-existing assumptions and the fears of stakeholders. For example, loan officers feared losing their jobs if new technologies were adopted. She also pointed out that the success of M-PESA was "both good thing and a bad thing," and she cautioned against "copy and paste" approaches in other regions. Certain factors may be "necessary but not sufficient," particularly in markets that are urban and peri-urban. She argued that "IT/MIS integration is one of the greatest challenges faced by MFIs today," a problem exacerbated by top-down decision-making.
She closed with a number of recommendations, which included "understand your market environment," "communicate, communicate, communicate," "invest time in developing your distribution network," and "test and monitor your product," because "new uses will come up." Her recommendation to "collaborate with regulators" proved to be the most controversial piece of advice during the question and answer session that followed.
As moderator Dourish asserted, "HCI not about interfaces but about relationships between design and use" and "producing designed effects." In answering his own question about where the sites of innovation might be, he emphasized the importance of "temporalities of innovation" and "directionalities of innovation." He also noted that "operator selection" was a "design decision in its own right."
The next panel on "Mobile Money: Adoption, Uptake & Transformation" was filled with both facts and figures and narratives about inclusion and alienation. In "An Assessment of Adoption and Use of Mobile Money Services in East Africa: Case Studies from Uganda and Tanzania" by Batilda Moshy and Paul Mukwaya, researchers examined the customers' experiences with companies like MTN, Airtel, and UTL in Uganda and Vodacom, Airtel, and TIGO in Tanzania to assess how "social cultural" factors play a role in adoption, although the presentation opened with responses to more conventional survey questions about ease of accessibility, security, convenience, decreased travel time to service points, cheaper costs, good service, and decreased time spent queuing. Mukwaya pointed out that customers' and potential customers' decision-making and perceptions might also be shaped by the company first in the market, as in the case of MTN in Uganda.
They noted the importance of acknowledging instabilities and network failures, and -- like many researchers on the day's previous panel -- they asserted the importance of branding, customer care, and managing vendors. They claimed that successful awareness campaigns included several media outlets and road shows. They also observed that unregistered users could be incentivized to become registered users by "walled gardens" that made certain services more expensive.
In "Differences Between Fee Structure of Mobile Money Technologies and Traditional Banking Systems, Social Psychological Determinants and Service Uptake: A Case Study of Uganda," Bruno Yawe and Tinah Nassali used interviews with officials from the bank of Uganda to understand how fee structures might shape the attitudes of potential users. Although researchers complained about how challenging it could be to get data from banks and grappled with the complexity of accounting for transactions across the Uganda-Kenya border, they were able to show that large amounts of mobile money was banked in in customers' accounts and that it was used for many purposes, including the payment of school fees.
Jose L. Estuar introduced his talk on "Mobile Phone Cash In Cash Out Service in a Frontier Area: The Dynamics of New Money Technology and Embedded Systems of Money Relationships" with the official video above from CGAP, which showed a fluent montage of images of GCASH usage, but he also presented less polished videography from his ethnographic work with 43 households in a frontier village on a remote peninsula in the Philippines, where he also studied financial diaries. Estuar's videos showed the arduous journey by boat to his field site and card-playing in unlit domestic urban interiors to give his audience a stronger sense of place. In explaining his research on cash in and cash out services, he also said that "we will tell the stories as we go along" of "social and cultural relationships. Estuar characterized the larger project of his research as an exploration of "embedded money relationships" in the "money ecology of a frontier area."
Following Viviana Zelizer -- the Princeton sociologist who studies how interpersonal connections enter into the production, distribution, consumption, and transfer of economic value, Estuar described himself as interested in subjects who are "partly autonomous" and in interdependent relationships that are historically variable rather than in financial analysis that focuses exclusively on impersonal instruments or objectifiers. He also made no claims of finality: as he explained, “for now we tell stories of this work in progress.”
The Philippines is a country that Estuar said had reached 43% penetration with mobile phone use. As he joked, the nation even had Angry Birds, and he showed an image of Filipino spokesperson apl.de.ap of the Black Eyed Peas as an endorser of mobile phone technology. His research focused on an area outside of Manilla, which was hard to reach but not totally inaccessible and located in a spot that was not an island but might as well be, because there was no road, and visitors had to choose between travel by boat or attempting to navigate the dense thicket. His methodology involved a housing index in which domiciles might be named "house 1," "house 2," or "house 3." He reflected about how these houses related to each other in terms of money and how they might be at different stages. As he observed, "scholars call it dependency; we call it something else . . . a relationship." Although he granted that the question might remain if such a relationship was unfair, he argued that Mark Granovetter's embeddeddness theory encouraged scholars to explore how social relationships might include a seemingly exploitative boat owner.
The irony that Estuar emphasized was that a telecommunications device had been put into the hands of people in this remote area of the Philippines seemingly in order to make expansion beyond a tight circle of social relationships possible, so they could exercise more economic independence. However, ultimately the device facilitated existing relationships rather than established new relationships, particularly among people with a strong preference for face-to-face interaction rather than neutral exchanges with remote markets.
Presenter Karatu Kiemo presented a talk on "Mobile Money Services and Entrepreneurial Development in Rural Communities: The Case of the Agricultural Kikuyu and Pastoral Maasai Communities in Kenya" that compared financial practices of Kikuyu and Masai tribesman to understand possible differences between agricultural and pastoral populations in a case in which both groups are proximal to Nairobi. (Co-author Barbara Leseni was not able to attend the conference.)
Kiemo tried to understand the region's low entrepreneurial activity, which researchers initially hypothesized could be cultural. Their subjects were mostly unbanked, but researchers wondered if having new services might foster budgeting, saving, and risk management that would make adoption of MMS more appealing. Using Icek Ajzen's Theory of Planned Behavior, the Kenyan researchers hoped to understand personal attitude, perceived behavior control, and entrepreneurial intention, while also measuring personal finance management that might even include future estate planning.
Information in Kiemo's study came from 174 participants, divided approximately equally between agricultural and pastoral respondents. 83.9% were owners of their own mobile money platform, while a significant minority were also users of borrowed phones and/or SIM cards. Researchers found a significant difference in entrepreneurial intention between mobile money service users and non-users: 75% vs. 50%. Yet there was no difference that could be measured between early adopters and later adopters of the technology. The hypothesis that these services also might promote personal finance management was also supported, but the data about mode of livelihood as a factor was more ambiguous. Researchers expected pastoral populations to be more fatalistic and less likely to budget, but those in the pastoral sample actually were active managers of their finances. However, 42% of agriculturalists used mobile money, while only 7.7% of pastoralists did. In fact, 49% of the latter still save with "live assets" (their animals). 90% of the agriculturalists reported entrepreneurial intentions. Researchers found Maslow’s hierarchy of needs useful as an explanatory mechanism of the phenomena that they observed.
Ndunge Kiiti and Jane Mutinda followed with a study focusing on Eastern Kenya and the use of M-PESA. Rather than only focusing on high-level strategies of corporate brand penetration, in "Mobile Money Services and Poverty Reduction: A Study of 21 Women's Groups in the Rural Region of Eastern Kenya" examined self-help groups as well, such as the Strength of Women (VWAG) in which the researchers were also members. M-PESA has tried to capitalize on the forms of person-to-person education practiced by those groups. In the image above Kiiti holds up the M-PESA t-shirt that she draped on the podium during the panel.
Kiiti cited the saying that "a human becomes a human because of other humans" to characterize the researcher's framework, which moved step-by-step from a focus on "individual" to "family" to "community" to "nation" with an emphasis on training and workshops. Their data was gathered from 21 women’s groups where, following the dictates of Paulo Freire, everyone is a learner, and everyone learns from each other. Researchers did field work that included site visits to the groups' social settings, where they conducted multiple in-depth interviews with individuals and five focus groups. They also performed observations of user behaviors with M-PESA. Clearly, Kiiti argued, the service caters to groups without banking and builds on the existing urban-rural linkages that were described by Mas & Morawczynski.
Perceived advantages included M-PESA's security and safety, privacy and confidentiality, convenient access at many outlets, and advantage from the perspective of time management. In a world in which "delays are losses," this efficiency really mattered to the women that they studied. Researchers more broadly claimed that M-PESA promoted rural development, assisted in business, encouraged good record keeping, created employment, and fostered participatory culture around rewards programs. M-PESA also facilitated group payments, which could also affect group dynamics negatively, because of possible social losses resulting from decreased face-to-face contact. Other problems included fraud, network failures, excessive user charges, risk of debt from freer spending, limited services, and lack of disability access. Kiiti argued that technocratic approaches might miss the importance of a "powerful speaker" or a sociological understanding of group names, where terms like "love," "commitment," and "unity" frequently shaped group identity. (A working paper from Kiiti and Mutinda is posted here.)
The panel's final presentation on "Does Mobile Money Matter? Exploring Mobile Money Adoption by Ghana’s Urban Poor" from Vivian Dzokoto and Edwin Mensah repeatedly made the point that "Ghana is not Kenya." In 2008, apparently, mobile money services were introduced, but "nothing happened." Even after 2010, when four telephone companies were in the market, Dzokoto described the main feature of the Ghanaian "moneyscape" as resistance to new money products. Even debit cards were slow to be taken up in a country where only traditional ATM cards had been successful. Researchers chose "awareness," "attitudes," "uptake," "barriers," and the "impact" of mobile money as the focuse of their year-long study of mobile money post-(re)launch, which focused on 35 low-income Ghanaians and 35 non-poor lower middle class income Ghanaians, as well as a review of documents that included magazine advertisements and brochures, along with location scouting for billboards and mobile money advertisements.
Dzokoto and Mensah reported confusion about the role of banks, a lack of trust, and fear of both excessive spending and the loss of the phone. The higher income group had more complex understanding of mobile money, although less than 10 had actually used mobile money themselves. This group also lacked awareness of global context of mobile money, and were even unfamiliart with its non-remittance potential, because they had seen so much sending of mobile money person-to-person advertised on television. Interviewing vendors and merchants also showed low patronage of mobile money services typified by the following comment: "They took the ezwich machine away and have not brought it back." In other words, despite visible marketing, there was low awareness, and thus a need for person-to-person education existed. (It was noteworthy that during the Q&A, one commentator noted that providers might shift liability to their clients through financial education in ways that serve corporate self-interest rather than financial inclusion.)
Companies like AIRTEL may have two million mobile phone subscribers, but only 1% of their customers were registered for mobile money, and such corporations offered hands-0n workshops for journalists, like one held in November of 2011, rather than one-to-one education aimed at users. In the case of TIGO, which had designed a post-launch marketing campaign, the carrier had done relatively better, particularly by differentiating between table top phone credit vendors and mobile money agents to promote trust. As they closed with images of Accra Mall or buildings on Oxford Street, Mensah reminded the audience that "In Ghana, cash is still king."
Moderator Maria Stephens of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), and noted mobile money skeptic reminded the audience that not every country would have the same kind of experience that Kenya had had with M-PESA. She pointed out that just as Nixon argued that democracy is not a potted plant that can be transplanted into any soil, it was important to not fall into the we-build-it-they-will-come trap. Stephens also differentiated between "promoting a low-value low-functionality money transfer service" that functioned in an income-smoothing context or "a high-value unlimited functionality model" tied to broader financial services not subjected to banking laws that could unintentionally allow a parallel shadow banking system to flourish.
Tuesday, December 6, 2011
They described the different sectors of the economy as follows: 1) the official banking system composed of 18 banks, which were mostly foreign, but included both commercial and Islamic institutions, 2) moneychangers specializing in the buying and selling of currencies, 3) about nine microfinance organizations (besides UNRWA), 4) about forty FOREX trading firms, 5) the insurance sector, which is comprised of 10 corporations, and 6) the financial market, which consists of one stock exchange. Presenters reminded the audience that Palestine was a country under occupation, in which territories were not connected and the land was dotted with very poor areas, such as refugee camps.
The central fiscal challenge, as they described it, was the fact that there was no national currency, since prohibitions on statehood make printing and circulating their own money forbidden. As a result citizens were forced to use three separate currencies in use for different purposes: the U.S. dollar, the Jordanian dinar, and the Israeli shekel. Palestinian ATMs deal with all three currencies, and people generally understand the currency conventions in use. For example, when dealing with lands, the dinar is the only accepted currency, but when buying an apartment the dollar is used, and daily transactions were conducted mostly in shekels.
Furthermore, the Palestinian team described limited availability and awareness about using innovative financial instruments. In their entire country, there are only two banks with Internet banking, and no mobile money in use at all. Finally, the fiscal landscape is shaped by high incoming remittances from Palestinians sending money home from work abroad. Thus, presenters argued that factors that shaped behavior around saving in these currencies suggested the need for fundamental revisions.
As they explained, the research group's methodology focused on examining the related laws, rules, and regulations, analyzing the related data, and conducting interviews with both bank treasurers and clients about the three currencies. What they discovered that currency choice was most determined by personal income currency (44%), trust was the second most important factor (27%), and comparison of interest rates was a relatively minor factor (17%). Bank officers provided explanations of user reluctance to use e-banking as follows: they "don’t know how to use it," "don’t know about about existing technologies," and "prefer personal interactions." They also assumed that security issues or fears of hacking were more important than their clients did. Their findings indicated a need for awareness campaigns, a need to adopt new regulations, and a need to connect treasury transactions.
The theme of alternative currencies was continued in the next paper from Magdalena Ramada-Sarasola, Henk van Arkel, and Eduardo Tarrag about C3U in Uruguay: "Determinants of the Demand for Micro-saving Programs in Uruguay: Motivation and Resistance to Join C3U." In introducing herself to an audience suspicious of economists, speaker Ramada-Sarasola did confess, "I am an economist. I must admit that," but she also showed a matrix of two-way transactions involving individuals, firms, government, and banks and financial institutions. She explained how the innovative money system C3 or Commercial Credit Circuit was developed by the Social Trade Organization (STRO) and supported by several bilateral and multilateral donor organizations piloted since 2005 in Honduras, El Salvador, Costa Rica, and Brazil had already facilitated 12,000 small loans that were approved in a circuit aimed at increasing liquidity by focusing on business-to-business transactions and setting up regional business networks.
Ramada-Sarasola's case study focused on mobile money in Uruguay with an emphasis on issues involving "trust," "scale," and "the chicken and egg track" in a region where 45% of the population was unbanked. She argued that one of the major factors favoring successful adoption of C3 in Uruguay was participation by the Uruguayan government sector to address the issue of scale, since all state-owned enterprises accept C3 and bills for water, electricity, public transport, and communication can be handled with C3, and even taxes can be paid with C3. Governments also had reasons for encouraging C3 beyond the "political agenda" of financial inclusion and promoting themselves as altruistically motivated, because being able to track transactions opened up opportunities to tax those transactions, although the government has promised that this new tax revenue will go to the local community that is generating them.
This C3U research focused on a sample of 28 neighborhoods around Montevideo, where penetration of mobile phones was an astonishingly high 116% and the illiteracy rate was relatively low. Furthermore there was great trust in retailers and a public bank serving as a warrant. They found no a priori resistance to adoption among the 45-77 year olds interviewed about their demographic profiles, understanding of context, use of mobile phones for services like text messaging, financial behavior, and acceptance of mobile money. The only notable area of resistance involved buying and selling merchandise, which researchers attributed to the lack of young people on the pilot and the high default rate associated with stores.
(The "two currencies" of Uruguay are further explained to English speakers by a blogger in a posting here.)
The final research from Chile from Jose Ossandon Valdes, Tomas Ariztia, Macarena Barros, and Filipe Gonzalez on the "conflicting currencies" panel covered "The Financial Ecologies and Circuits of Commerce of Retail Credit Cards in Santiago de Chile." Valdes described how researchers drilled down into a rich data set of recollections that captured intersecting financial narratives based on interviews, files, notebooks, and bills, which allowed the team to map circuits and reveal an entire history of retail cards, although stores were not always happy to give all information that they kept on the families of customers. The small domestic dramas included characters like 31-year-old Francisca whose husband was in jail and 66-year-old Maira with two sons working in the fruit market. We learned about how these characters spent their limited resources on discrete purchases like buying a pair of pajamas, a hoodie, a bottle of perfume and how cards circulated among people to facilitate such purchases. Figuring out accounting when so many people lent out their cards and then figured out who used it later created thousands of possible soap opera episodes in the circuit of commerce that Valdes detailed. Of course, not all the portraits were complete. As he noted Juana might have a suitcase where she saved all the receipts from credit card bills, but Maria might make her own clothes and try only to buy in cash.
This these smaller circuits of commerce, the risking of friendship ties was often a nothing type of potential liability from financial participants. For example, Paula might be irritated by neighbors paying late without paying interest after borrowing her card. The Chilean researchers summarized their preliminary findings with a few major themes, which included "rationality" in which participants must negotiate complex uses and multiple alternatives, "ecologies" as ways to understand the financial lives of those excluded from banks but not stores or might be excluded but not members of the poorest groups, "circuits" in which credits are mixed with kinship relationships and systems of care, and "social-technical networks." (Only one participant saw the cards as only "private.") However, there are rules and conflicts, which community members often understood through the similarity of forms of association, so that this system is not new for them.
Moderator Scott Mainwaring from Intel noted that each presenter on the panel ultimately used a different methodology to visualize the financial flows that they described, but they all asked "where do different currencies flow?" and "where are there barriers to this flow?" as they explored their common interest in circuits, although they might have different lenses for what a circuit is. This panel about alternatives dealt with many affordances and constraints, particularly when the preferred alternative is banned, as in the Palestinian case.
The panel on "Mobile Money: Trust and Behavior Change" focused on how traditional credibility and economic credit might be still very related. Ironically, rather than emphasize trust, the video above from the Rural Bankers Association, which the first presenter Anatoly “Jing” Gusto of MICRA Philippines showed in his presentation, emphasizes convenience. The heroine "Nanita" who must keep house and operate two businesses no longer has to neglect her enterprises while she travels to and from the bank via jitney. However, Gusto and co-author Felicidad "Fely" Justiniana argue such rhetorical appeals from groups like the RBA and USAID's MABS that show the ease of text-a-payment practices may do little to influence potential clients to change their habits much when it comes to savings.
Perhaps the most memorable image in Gusto's presentation was a slide of the classic eighties video game Pac-Man. In Gusto's use of the game as an analogy for microfinance and mobile money, an RB borrower paying loans using mobil money must significantly navigate a maze filled with the ghosts that are barriers to financial inclusion. In this "struggle to make sense" of one's immediate economic circumstances, Gusto argued that the disenfranchised must look for their "power pellets," which were mobile technology services designed to help ambitious earners achieve better and more effective access to financial services.
Gusto tried to answer his central research question "Does mobile technology foster savings?" by examining his case study, Green Bank. His informants said that their funding from Green Bank represented the first formal bank loan for most of them. Nonetheless many of them still preferred hiding cash in their homes rather than saving in the abstracted terms of a financial institution. Furthermore, many claimed that they didn’t have the capacity to save and would prefer to use excess cash for their own businesses on the theory that that this financial strategy would ultimately bring in more income.
Mobile money was rarely used by such people, who still had a strong distrust of using the phone for m-banking. Thus, Gusto argued, mobile money had a weak effect on diversifying use of mobile money. As he put it, "technology is not enough," particularly if projects failed to address the human and organizational aspects of financial transactions or rectify problems with interoperability. The solution was assumed to be consumer education that acknowledges the importance of certain influences, such as family members, while also showing a path toward engaging in life and work spontaneously. In such campaigns, "the savings experience not the device should be the central focus."
Next, graduate student Mildred Makore from the University of KwaZulu Natal presented what she called an "additive model not transformative model" to characterize her work on "Exploring Use of Mobile Banking Services by the Poor: Case of Wizzit Bank in South Africa." Her case study of Wizzit Bank attempted to grapple with questions like "What is the actual usage of the mobile banking platform by the urban poor?" or "What purposes drive them?" After diving into a literature review of ICT poverty alleviation and development policies, Makore explained the work of "Wizz kids," who were unemployed university graduates hired to market the bank's services and sign up new clients in a "motivational exercise" centered on continuously going into same area and thus commiting the Wizz kids' labor in ways that could potentially go beyond sales.
In mapping the networks of the 500,000+ clients of the bank -- a group that included farm workers, security guards, miners, domestic workers, and factory workers -- Makore adopted a "capabilities approach" that focused the particular value that an individual might consider. (Of course, to gain one of the prized Wizzit cards one must meet the minimum requirement of identification.) She also explained how she narrowed down her research plan to areas with concentrations of Wizzit users in informal settlements in Alexandra, Orange Farm, and Kahlekong.
Finally Mani Arul Nandhi presented her study of how EKO functioned in India, a country in which 41% of the population was unbanked and 51% was financially underserved. Although urban poverty was over 25%. India had almost universal telecom access with one of the lowest cost retail distribution networks in the world. Nandhi's study of 160 customers and 13 agents may not have included the top executives to whom she hoped to have access, but "Impact of EKO's SimpliBank on the Saving Behaviour and Practices of Low Income Users: The Indian Experience" did present interviews with 20 EKO customers, 8 of whom had no bank account previously, to understand why it might be easy for such clients to save small amounts, particularly if they could avoid spending on nonessential (65%) or feel trust that EKO was a safe place to save (56%). Such services were considered particularly useful for reciprocal borrowing and savings and helped users "resist temptation" or "increase their resolve."
In the United States, social media campaigns affiliated with Occupy Wall Street have urged Americans to dump banks in favor of supposedly less rapacious credit union that were more averse to excess fees. Similarly, in Nandhi's Indian case study, financial transaction fees were also a strong source of deep customer dissatisfaction, particularly after September 2010 when those who depended on EKO services for basic financial services had to pay for both deposits and withdrawals. Furthermore, she argued, the market strategy of EKO seemed to be migrating from addressing the needs of the local unbanked to handling remittances from laborers abroad, which offered more lucrative commissions to financial agents.
As Julia Elyachar observed, all the papers adopted what she called a "user-centered approach" oriented toward the "beginning of a world that we now take for granted" and the "addition of new kinds of infrastructure" that was "person-centered" to enable an "increased repertoire" in which the user makes decisions in ways that acknowledge the importance of merchants and different actors. Such approaches center on "use not technology," as in the case of the conflicts over fees that Nandhi described.
The first presentation “Beyond the Failed State: Capital Mobilization, Investment and Entrepreneurship among Somali Refugees in Nairobi, Kenya" by Kenneth Omeje, who has presented at IMTFI before, and John Mwangi countered conventional tales of woe from the region about child soldiers and humanitarian catastrophes in which refugees from failed states never appear as economic actors and only take the stage as "poverty-stricken parasites" like those shown in this Google search for "Somali refugees" above. Instead Omeje argued that one could look beyond the one million "highly deprived" people in refugee camps suffering from the impacts of climate change as well as political instability to include the financial activities of 150,000-200,000 people in the densely populated suburb of Eastleigh, which is also known as “little Somalia” or "little Mogadishu" in the region, where shopping malls like the one pictured along side the Google search result screen present a very different picture of the Somali immigrant experience in Kenya. Omeje admitted that it was often difficult to study the underground economy, because it may involve piracy, trafficking in small arms or drugs, or other obviously illegal activity, but he also thought that the area was characterized by much more than its criminal element. (See this NPR story for more about these neighborhoods in which refugees and Kenyans of Somali origins co-exist.)
Omeje asserted that the role of community values, kinship ties, and Islamic dictates to use money to help others was often overlooked and that studying economic competition from businesses rooted in Indian diasporic communities and the ethnic Kikiyu population might also provide a worthwhile perspective on these transnational citizens and their economic behavior. The study of Omeje and Mwangi was based on interviews with 136 people, about half of whom were refugees. Others consulted included Kenyan police officers and members of rival Indian business communities. Because interviews often were conducted during business hours or broached sensitive topics, the data from the community was necessarily incomplete, but the researchers argued that there was definitely enough information to counter the prevailing stereotype of the economics of the failed state. As he concluded his presentation, Omeje showed photographs of a local branch of Chase Bank on the main street of Easteligh, fresh fruit hawking, a shot of First Community Bank, and a business plaza. The spectacle of dilapidated roads juxtaposed with modern shopping malls owned by refugee populations showed how the failures of infrastructure often coexisted with the successes of entrepreneurship.
(See this video of the Madina mall for more.)
Although efforts to "give the poor a stake in India's booming economy" have focused on giving Indian peasants title to the lands that they work, Syed Aiman Raza's study of landless tenant tobacco farmers attempting to capitalize on higher world prices emphasized the immediate context of decision-making in which the future may be less bright. In his study of 56 households, "Harvesting Death: Do Tobacco Growers Need Financial Inclusion? An Analysis into the Monetary Problems and Prospects Enshrouding Farmers Harvesting Tobacco in Basti District, Uttar Pradesh, India," Raza's claimed that his case study of Sikandarpur village shows that fertilizer input of DAP (diammonium phosphate), urea, or manure might not seem a worthwhile investment to farmers worried that landlords might evict them at any time. Although the area's Muslim farmers might have appreciated the 11% per annum loans offered by Purvanchal Gramin Bank, the cap on loans at 25,000 rupees might spur most farmers to also make agreements with money lenders, despite interest ranging from 5% to 10% per month if profits dependent upon the quality, color, and weight of their tobacco crop would benefit from the financial risk. Raza's data showed how pests and price volatility could wipe out even the most economically savvy farmer and how romanticizing financial inclusion might ignore the challenges of competition in global financial markets.
Sepideh Bajracharya's work on Nepali informal economies presented some of the most dramatic research of the day, as she attempted to explain the function of Dhukuti activities, which translates as "Treasury" or "Cash-Box," but may describe much less traditional economic activities of newly affluent Nepalis that model lottery schemes, rotation schemes, or bidding schemes that are characterized as "lucky-draw," "number system," or "releasing and eating" respectively. Her study, "Untouchable Wealth: The Moral Exchange of New Wealth among Women in an Urban Nepali Untouchable-Caste Community," chooses to present a somewhat different narrative about the sweeper caste Emukhel in the Kathmandu Valley who lived before the 1980s in houses of straw and mud once situated on a public defecating ground. These one-time untouchables no longer live in a "shitting ground." Instead their houses are of brick and cement with paned glass, closets, sofa sets, and gas stoves in communities with paved roads and attractive parks.
Bajracharya noted that although changes that generated this new wealth may be based on participation in the state and may be development-based, since city municipalities began hiring people as state-sanctioned sweepers, it is Dhukuti, or informal credit associations, often independently run by women in their forties and fifties, which inhabitants credit for allowing them to build and furnished their houses. She pointed out that there were significant differences between an "Economy of Need," which is an aid and development-based economy, and an "Economy of Pleasure" that is determined by access to and desire for consumer goods and services. She observed that the "pleasure element" of thrill, risk, uncertainty, risk, and flight marked the "late neoliberal moral economy" that she was describing in which social capital and income disparity may have served as critical ingredients.
Bajracharya detailed the activities of four dhukutis that she studied, which were based on rotation and number systems. Her informants were participants in both formal and informal economies who made little distinction between different kinds of credit and saving cooperatives. She argued that such people were most comfortable when their money is circulating, since there was a "certainty associated with a lack of trust. By not trusting any one in particular and focusing on "where you put your biscuit money," dhukuti participants might see enormous sums change hands. Bajracharya described wealth transfers occurring in "ten minutes" in a restaurant with "kebabs and dumplings." In this high-stakes environment, if you needed more money for the month, you would have to bid more. She observed that participants often adopted the same vocabulary as gambling, and that dhukuti might even be associated with dramatic murder cases, police raids, and numbers on the back side of an accounting book. Her future research would pursue the practices "historical dimension" and incorporate a "comparative perspective." (See this study for more about the practice.
The final panelist, Svetlana Tyukhteneva, regaled the audience with her tale of economic and ethnic difference in "Tell Me How You Earn and Spend Money - And I Will Tell You Who You Are," which followed the IMTFI tradition of presenting at least one paper about how livestock function as currency in households, as Tyukhteneva explained the value of camels and yaks, particularly at weddings and funerals, accompanied by a slideshow that began with an image of a man carrying a sheep.
The research idea is that the daily cash practices can serve as a symbol, marking the boundary between rich and poor, but also ethnic and cultural markers between living in the neighborhood of the two peoples. Their ways of making money, their methods of conservation, storage and use, the Altaians and the Kazakhs are different.
She explained the ethnographic value of certain stereotypes in the region, such as "Kazakhs bargain"; "they bargain at length." Furthermore, "if one neighbor buys a Mercedes, the other neighbor will do everything to get the same car." In contrast, "the Altai live poorer than the Kazakhs, but they sleep better." Such generalizations could be documented in more complex ways that foster economic understanding, and she provided copies of detailed accounting records of animals given in support of funeral feast as an example. Some of this cultural difference might be explained by religious preferences, beliefs and practices, since the Altai people were Shamanists and Buddhists for whom monetary passivity might be linked to their idea of fate. But her presentation that began with livestock reminded audience members of the built environment in which her subjects lived by showing graffiti on the wall of a marked that could be translated as "The Money is finished, Love - never."
Respondent UCSD colleague David Pedersen noted how these papers "set in the present tense" and were devoted to "identifying certain kinds of conjunctures" in which "when something happened, something else tended to happen," which could be visualized in "images and maps." He also observed how the papers did not work with the neat divisions of "public sector" and "private sector" that might be more familiar to Western audiences oriented around formal economies.
Maurer reminded attendees that this was a conference known for providing a corrective to the just-so stories told by economists about twenty-first-century money as a set of transparent frictionless transactions that could be easily aggregated and numerically abstracted. As Maurer explained, it was a conference intended to draw on the knowledge base of a variety of other disciplines -- including agriculture, anthropology, design, and IT -- to explore material culture and social practices that might otherwise be treated as ephemeral or insignificant. Of course, this conference had welcomed papers in the past on everything that relates to IMTFI from an uncovering of underwear money to accounting with the bodies of dead migrant workers. To acknowledge the fact that the conference often celebrated money as well as studied it, Maurer introduced Catherine Eagleton of the Money Gallery of the British Museum.
Maurer told the story of the founding of the institute, which he traced to his initial experiences at a mobile money workshop at the Federal Reserve, where he apparently thought “now here’s a kind of financial innovation that we can all be excited about.” Although these "bridges to cash" might have been built most rapidly in the case of M-PESA and its 14 million accounts, Maurer asserted that this kind of "entire new business" was most notable because it reopened discussions of "the definition of money itself," which "changed the terms of discussion at moment when we need new terms."
Rather than have U.S. specialists "parachute in" to a given country, IMTFI emphasized funding the research of local and regional experts and suspicion of the tendency to "overuse economists." Maurer explained how there were now 100 researchers working in 50 countries who represented "other kinds of disciplinary training" and an "alternative sets of voices" at a conference that was tolerant of exploratory work that had not yet produced "completed research results" in the interest of facilitating conversation and disseminating new ideas. As Maurer pointed out, there was even "an ethnographer studying us" as a "community of scholars," whose work had already appeared in Critique of Anthropology. (Author Anke Schwittay presented a talk about Kiva last year.)
Monday, December 5, 2011
Our research in Kenya was a real eye opener in terms of what mobile money services rural women need, for their projects and groups to succeed. The primary goal of our study was to investigate the use and impact of mobile money services (e.g. M-PESA, YU and Zap), among the 21 women’s groups, as a tool for poverty reduction in Eastern Kenya. We met with the women from all the 21 groups, using the format of in-depth interviews, focus group discussion, or participatory observations. The highlight of the process was a workshop we held at the end of our data collection process. What an experience!!! We had about 100 women (about 4-5 representatives from each group) participate. Since ALL the groups use the M-PESA service, we were able to get in touch with the staff and they happily attended the workshop as well. It was an extremely informative process, not just for the women’s groups but for the M-PESA staff. They got to hear nine of the groups talk about various projects they are doing in the community. They also got to hear some of the opportunities and challenges the women face in using M-PESA services. The M-PESA staff were extremely moved by the conversation. Even if they had known this information prior to their workshop, it was good for them to hear, first hand experiences, from the field. At times the staff seemed overwhelmed with all the women were doing with such limited resources and opportunities. The M-PESA staff were able to share, the women’s groups, and also address some of the opportunities and challenges related to M-PESA services in rural areas. They also provided products and upgrades that the women had access to at the workshop. A highlight for the women was the M-PESA staff bring T-shirts for everyone! That was a treat. Overall, the dialogue was extremely productive and there was commitment to continue in conversation to see if there’s other ways M-PESA or Safaricom might partner with these women’s groups.Click here to read the paper!
This post reports on an international seminar sponsored by the Rockefeller Foundation in July, 2011 that brought together several of IMTFI's researchers with colleagues from around the world to discuss alternative banking and "social" inclusion. Often we read and research financial inclusion without reflecting enough on social justice and social welfare policies that may or may not accompany financial inclusion goals. This conference took up this issue.
These ideas were first explored in 2006 at an international seminar in São Paulo and developed further at the 2009 Meeting of the Society for the Advancement of Social Economics in a session entitled “An Alternative Banking Business Model? Savings, Cooperative and Public Banks in the Current Financial Meltdown.” We have since worked with business and public policy schools and alternative bank groups and associations to build a network capable of launching new Core Principles for Alternative Banking and Social Inclusion. The July seminar confirmed the potential for new technologies at large alternative banking institutions in developing and emerging countries to accelerate social inclusion (and maintain it in advanced economies).
Monday, November 28, 2011
Between March to September 2011, I collaborated with WING Money Cambodia (WING), a leading mobile money services provider in Cambodia, on a research project to evaluate the social impacts of mobile money services in Cambodia.
Currently,WING allows any customers (individuals and businesses) to transfer, deposit (cash-in) and withdraw (cash-out) money between each other and with anyone in Cambodia as well as top up their pre-paid mobile phone credits with their SMS-enabled mobile phones at low cost. Payment transactions like sending/receiving money, phone top-up can be done from any mobile phone, and secured by a personal 4-digits pin code. There is no monthly fee charged for holding a mobile wallet with WING and all the money are safely stored in a regulated bank.
I am both thankful and privileged to be part of this research collaboration with WING. It has been an exciting journey for me to travel to different rural towns to interact with different mobile money community sales representatives, customers and merchants/agents to find out first-hand how WING’s mobile money services has really made positive changes to their small business activities, local cultural norms, social well-being and financial management habits.
Below are 2 customer profile stories which are shortened versions of more detailed interview sessions conducted as part of the current research project collaboration between RMIT University Australia and WING. The names have been left out for privacy concerns.
Sunday, November 27, 2011
Since 1957, the African Studies Association (ASA) has converged individuals with academic and professional interests in Africa, and served as the leading North American organization promoting the academic study of that continent. This year, IMTFI sponsored a panel at ASA’s annual meeting in Washington, D.C. In line with the conference theme “50 Years of African Liberation,” the IMTFI panel was titled “Money, Technology and Financial Inclusion in Africa: What We Know After 50 Years of Liberation.”
Monday, November 14, 2011
Wednesday, November 9, 2011
Click here to read our working paper!
Thursday, August 25, 2011
InterMedia have recently released a report for the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation entitled ‘Mobile Money in Haiti: A Baseline Analysis of Access, Use and Barriers to Adoption‘ (July 2011). Based on 1,008 face-to-face surveys across Haiti’s departments, the report confirms our own findings presented in our April 2011 report on early adopters of mobile money in Haiti: the importance of security issues, the predominance of ‘me-to-me’ transactions over more traditional remittances, and willingness to try the new technology. InterMedia also found that education about mobile money and ease of access to mobile money agents will be key to the success of mobile money. The report presents some very interesting and useful data about domestic remittance routes, mobile money users’ education levels, and their experiences in dealing with agents.
Given that during both ours and InterMedia’s research periods (until April 2011) there were very few mobile money agents outside of Port-au-Prince, I was curious to see what InterMedia had discovered about mobile money adoption outside of the capital city. InterMedia’s report indicates that while most Haitians have heard about mobile money (especially through the radio or television advertisements), this familiarity does not necessarily translate into an understanding of what mobile money actually is (see page 31).
Friday, July 29, 2011
IMTFI Researcher Erin Taylor blogs about the social nature of security and Haiti's mobile money.
Wednesday, April 20, 2011
In November 2010, Digicel and Voilá both made mobile money services publicly available in Haiti. Building upon our previous research on domestic remittances and financial practices, we returned to Haiti from December to April to identify mobile money’s potentials and challenges given the specific characteristics of the mobile money services offered and the needs of the Haitian population. This report presents our analysis of how the new mobile money services fit into Haiti's existing socioeconomic environment, and how customers are adapting and using the services. We identify six key insights and make recommendations for the development of mobile money in Haiti.
Insights for now:
- Me2me transactions have emerged as an important use of mobile money services. A broad spectrum of Haitians is attracted by the ability to store money and withdraw it at different geographical locations. It helps allay problems concerning security, inaccessible infrastructure, and uncertainties that Haitians face in their daily lives.
- Customer experience is a crucial part of why mobile money is a viable and attractive alternative to existing financial services. Fast service, reliability, informality, security, trust, and accessibility are areas in which mobile money can hold an edge over banks and transfer houses. To maximize this edge, mobile money services should be distinct from those offered by other financial institutions.
- Who is an agent? Branding and service provision need to be consistent to ensure repeat business and the growth of a customer base. There is currently wide variation in the kinds of mobile money outlets in operation and the ways they deliver their services. Outlets may need to be incentivized to provide consistency of service.
Insights for the long term:
- Trade may well make up a greater percentage of P2P transactions than domestic remittances (gifts or loans). Use of mobile money for trade is feasible because mobile phone service covers most trade routes adequately. The primary limiting factor in this use will be the wallet size permitted by each mobile money provider.
- Horizontal and vertical integration across Haitian geography, society, and financial landscapes will facilitate mobile money's ability to contribute to both commerce and socioeconomic development.
- Achieving scale across Haiti could be facilitated by adapting providers' local level initiatives (matching customers with mobile money outlets) to create projects that work with existing flows of money across the country.
We are optimistic about mobile money’s future in Haiti and feel that this is a promising opportunity to contribute to achieving socioeconomic development goals. Maximising mobile banking’s potentials will require ongoing dedication, creativity and cooperation between players in the private and public sectors, especially taking into consideration emerging uses of mobile money among different sectors of the Haitian population. Over the next few years we will be watching how mobile
Tuesday, April 12, 2011
Mobile banking is commonly conceived of as a way for people to send money to each other (P2P) or to save money for a specific financial goal. However, we have found that the most common use of m-banking among early customers in Haiti is to store cash for a short period of time. Indeed, customers are registering for m-banking precisely for this purpose. Why are these 'Me2Me' transactions so popular, and how will they shape the future of mobile money?
Last year when we conducted research on domestic remittances and financial practices in Haiti, we found that security and accessibility were major issues for customers using both formal and informal financial systems. For the ten percent of Haitians who use formal banks, security is an issue because customers are concerned about being robbed upon leaving a bank or an ATM. Without a bank account, people must storemoney in their homes or carry it with them, and run the risk of being robbed.
M-banking allows customers to reduce risk through combining the benefits of security and accessibility. As Dr. Baptiste highlighted in a previous blog, customers can avoid being robbed of their paycheck by depositing their money at an m-banking outlet, travelling across town, and withdrawing it again near their home. Withdrawing money at an m-banking outlet is less risky than withdrawing money from an ATM or a bank because m-banking services are combined with other businesses, making it unclear to the observer whether that customer withdrew money or made a purchase. On the issue of accessibility, m-banking outlets can be far more accessible and reliable than banks, making them a viable alternative to a savings account. In all of these cases, customers decided that they would rather pay a fee to withdraw their own money than to run the risk of carrying their money around with them.
Another important issue that makes m-banking desirable for a broad spectrum of Haitians is the unpredictability of daily life. In a country where the infrastructure often does not work, and political or environmental crises regularly disrupt daily life, it makes sense to diversify all kinds of practices. That is to say, Haitians need backups, whether of electricity sources (generators, torches, candles), methods of communication (maintaining mobile phones with more than one carrier), or social networks (never depend upon just one person to get something done).
It appears that Haitians are using m-banking in a similar manner: to complement existing systems rather than replace them. It is different enough to formal banks or informal money storage to make it an effective way of mitigating risk. If a bank's system is out or a protest prevents a customer from travelling to their bank, they may still be able to go into the flower shop next door and withdraw cash. Rather than store all of one's money under one's mattress or in a savings box, Haitians may keep some at hand but deposit a portion in their m-banking account.
The unpredictability of everyday life may prove to be a significant incentive preventing Haitians from trusting their entire savings to m-banking. For example, when the banking system went down during the earthquake of the 12th January, 2010, having cash on hand was a major advantage. The mobile phone system also went down, but it came back online long before the banks. If mobile banking had existed at that time, customers would have been able to access their accounts again after a short amount of time, so long as there was sufficient cash available. Thus Me2Me transactions make sense as everyday backups and as insurance against graver catastrophes.
What lessons can we take from these insights? First, marketing the benefits of Me2Me may help build up m-banking's customer base. People are enthusiastic about promoting their own security and smoothing out their daily financial practices through providing backups and forms of insurance. Second, customer use of m-banking as a backup could be converted into savings practices. Rather than withdrawing their money within days, customers with some surplus income and trust in their m-banking provider could be incentivised to build up their balance, such as through awarding bonus airtime. A customer's savings record could then be used to apply for a loan or life insurance. If Me2Me transactions are approached in this way – as a personal bank account rather than just a better way to conduct P2P transactions – then m-banking could well achieve the goal touted by many development agencies of banking the unbanked. Me2Me transactions have the potential to play an important role in providing stability, security, and confidence in unstable markets.
-- Erin B. Taylor
-- Photo #1: Money boxes for sale in Port-au-Prince's iron market. Photo by Erin B. Taylor.
-- Photo #2: T-Cash sign painted on a wall in Pétionville. Photo by Erin B. Taylor.
-- Photo #3: La Coquille, a restaurant and TchoTcho Mobile outlet. Photo by Erin B. Taylor.
Monday, April 4, 2011
Marigot is a small, leafy fishing village on Haiti's south coast whose size belies its importance on a land/sea trade route stretching from the Dominican Republic to Port-au-Prince. Twice per week, on Tuesdays and Saturday mornings, a fleet of small wooden boats arrives in Marigot from the border town of Anse-a-Pitres and the coastal town of Belle Anse. These boats come laden with salami, flour, coconuts, and bundles of used clothes from the Dominican town of Pedernales. Approximately fifty fishermen from Belle Anse and Anse-a-Pitres send coolers full of conch, fish and lobster to be sold in the market along with the catches of Marigot's two hundred resident fisherman. When the boats arrive at four am, they unpack their cargo and set up a market on the shore.