Showing posts with label social networks. Show all posts
Showing posts with label social networks. Show all posts

Wednesday, May 5, 2021

5/18 (Tues) 9-10amPT: Book Talk – Reimagining Money: Kenya in the Digital Finance Revolution

IMTFI, the Global Africa/Global Blackness Research Cluster in UCI's Department of Anthropology & Institute for Humanities in Africa (HUMA) present the following book talk:

Reimagining Money: Kenya in the Digital Finance Revolution by Sibel Kusimba

May 18th, 2021
Tuesday, 9-10amPT/12-1pmET/6-7pmSAST

Introduced by
Bill Maurer, UC Irvine, IMTFI Director

Panelists
Sibel Kusimba, University of South Florida
Olufunmilayo (Funmi) B. Arewa, Temple University Beasley School of Law
Nina Bandelj, UC Irvine

Webinar registration


JOIN US for a discussion with Sibel Kusimba to talk about her new book, Reimagining Money: Kenya in the Digital Finance Revolution, Stanford University Press.

 Available online: Chapter 1 and Table of Contents

About Reimagining Money: Kenya in the Digital Finance Revolution
Technology is rapidly changing the way we think about money. Digital payment has been slow to take off in the United States but is displacing cash in countries as diverse as China, Kenya, and Sweden. In Reimagining Money, Sibel Kusimba describes the rise of M-Pesa, and offers a rich portrait of how this technology changes the economic and social landscape, allowing users to create webs of relationships as they exchange, pool, borrow, lend, and share digital money in user-built networks. These networks, Kusimba argues, will shape the future of financial technologies and their impact on poverty, inclusion, and empowerment. She describes how urban and transnational migrants maintain a presence in rural areas through money gifts; how families use crowdfunding software to assemble donations for emergency medical care; and how new financial groups invest in real estate and fund weddings. The author presents fascinating accounts that challenge accepted wisdom by examining the notion of money as wealth-in-people—an idea long-cultivated in sub-Saharan Africa and now brought to bear on the digital age with homegrown financial technologies such as digital money transfer, digital microloans, and crowdfunding. The book concludes by proposing a new theory of money that can be applied to designing better financial technologies in the future.

About the author
Sibel Kusimba has conducted over twenty years of ethnographic research and archaeological fieldwork in Kenya. She is Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of South Florida and is the author of African Foragers (2003). You can read her bio here.

For questions email imtfi@uci.edu.


Thursday, January 7, 2021

New Book: Reimagining Money: Kenya in the Digital Finance Revolution by Sibel Kusimba

Reminagining Money Book
Reimagining Money: Kenya in the Digital Finance Revolution, Stanford University Press by Sibel Kusimba

JANUARY 2021
240 PAGES
FROM $28.00

Hardcover ISBN: 9781503613515
Paperback ISBN: 9781503614413
Ebook ISBN: 9781503614420

Abstract
Technology is rapidly changing the way we think about money. Digital payment has been slow to take off in the United States but is displacing cash in countries as diverse as China, Kenya, and Sweden. In Reimagining Money, Sibel Kusimba describes the rise of M-Pesa, and offers a rich portrait of how this technology changes the economic and social landscape, allowing users to create webs of relationships as they exchange, pool, borrow, lend, and share digital money in user-built networks. These networks, Kusimba argues, will shape the future of financial technologies and their impact on poverty, inclusion, and empowerment. She describes how urban and transnational migrants maintain a presence in rural areas through money gifts; how families use crowdfunding software to assemble donations for emergency medical care; and how new financial groups invest in real estate and fund weddings. The author presents fascinating accounts that challenge accepted wisdom by examining the notion of money as wealth-in-people—an idea long-cultivated in sub-Saharan Africa and now brought to bear on the digital age with homegrown financial technologies such as digital money transfer, digital microloans, and crowdfunding. The book concludes by proposing a new theory of money that can be applied to designing better financial technologies in the future.

About the author
Sibel Kusimba has conducted over twenty years of ethnographic research and archaeological fieldwork in Kenya. She is Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of South Florida and is the author of African Foragers (2003).

Excerpts and more

Thursday, July 2, 2020

Here and there? Mobile money and the politics of transnational living patterns in West Africa

by Solène Morvant-Roux and Anna Peixoto-Charles, University of Geneva in Oxford Development Studies (Volume 48, 2020 - Issue 2)


Ouagadougou, Burkino Faso. Photo credit: Solène Morvant-Roux

Abstract
The authors examine the use of mobile money in the context of cross-border remittances in West Africa. Relying on mixed methods and a multi-sited empirical strategy they look at both the sending and receiving conditions of mobile money transfers. By looking at money as socially embedded and the role of migrants in the production of a transnational space, their results highlight that uptake and usage of mobile money for remittances are shaped by a transnational living pattern. At the same time, mobile money also contributes to strengthening and reshaping this pattern. By showing that conversion of virtual money to cash may be performed by brokers that live far away from the end recipient, the paper highlights an important gap between spatial distribution of mobile money infrastructure and the social mediation that supports e-money flows. Cash-based transactions, in turn, are shown to play a key role in the social mediation dynamic.

Select Citations
"According to Leon Isaacs (cited in Heyer & Mas, 2010), 65% of the 23 million African migrants are regional as opposed to trans-continental migration with West Africa hosting major sub-regional corridors. Côte d’Ivoire is one of the countries with the largest long-standing diasporas from neighboring countries. This is especially so for the Burkinabè diaspora which accounts for almost 2 million people (IOM 2018) compared to the total population of Côte d’Ivoire (at 23 million). This migration flow is mainly composed of rural males leaving their village to settle in a more dynamic agricultural region in Côte d’Ivoire. Remittances between the two countries are a major component of the flows between migrants and their family members in Burkina Faso (IOM 2018). This shows that despite an old migration corridor (existing over several generations) that allowed migrants to invest in lands and houses in Cote d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso still appears to be considered their ‘home’, at least partially."

"Our findings highlight that while the spatial spread of MM retailers (supply) is impressive in sending and receiving settings, the social spread of MM in Burkina Faso exhibits a much more complex web of in-between informal brokers. Far from the person-to-person transaction and beyond issues of proximity, MM sending and receiving patterns are strongly shaped by the migrants’ transnational living pattern (distributive livelihoods) as well as the imperative to maintain community membership over the long run."

"With MM transfers, migrants can play a more active role in daily expenses or timely responses to financial difficulties without it being communicated to others. Previous to MM access, migrants would not have been able to quietly send money to their children for school in their home country, or for family events without it being known more widely. In interviews, they described: ‘we were neither able to send our children to our home country school nor to take part to family events because we had to rely on intermediaries who are always indelicate.’ Discretion is key: ‘Unless you talk, these transfers remain secrets’. "

Read more on the research findings in the full paper in Oxford Development Studies:
https://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/XEASAXJXRE53RWBIVQE7/full?target=10.1080%2F13600818.2020.1770208&

Read up on original IMTFI-funded research project: "Cross-border Transfers as a Strategic Tool to Promote the Diffusion of Mobile Money in Rural Areas. The Case of Burkinabe Diaspora Living in Ivory Coast".

Thursday, May 28, 2020

Part 2: The war on COVID in Kenya: Will the social networks of mobile money survive?

by Sibel Kusimba, University of South Florida, Chap Kusimba, University of South Florida, and Gabriel Kunyu, Independent Researcher

Meme circulating on Kenyan WhatsApp. Bora Uhai is a phrase
meaning that nothing matters more than life. It is commonly
used when things don't work out as planned or expected.

“I saw people rejoice when it was announced that there would be no transaction fees for any amount sent below 1000 Kenya Shillings (US $10). But since there is no money, people are not sending.” Millicent has had an M-Pesa shop in the Sweet Water estate of Machakos, Kenya, for several years. This town about 60 km southeast of Nairobi has been a hub of trade in and out of Kenya’s capital since colonial times and before1. The area is still known as a commercial hub. But on April 7, 2020, all transport and travel in and out of Nairobi to the rest of the country was cut off for 21 days as part of the authorities’ response to the COVID-19 pandemic. On that day chaos ensued when travelers and drivers were cut off en route; some went off road and on foot to reach their destinations. Now the Athi River just two miles north of Machakos has been completely cut off, as has the port town of Mombasa - and with it the many goods, such as foodstuffs, household goods, and second hand goods that so many make a living trading in this area.

Millicent reflected that initially there were a lot of people sending money, especially in the week before the roads were closed, when restrictions on gatherings and restaurants were imposed. There were fewer withdrawals, and the country’s many itinerant urban workers were sending money to their rural families. But now at the end of April, M-Pesa agents like Millicent are finding they have fewer customers. People used to wait in the queue at Millicent’s shop before COVID, but these days she will see only 2-3 people in a whole day. She says they are well off people such as teachers, and that they are loading money on to their phones, not cashing out. She is not sure where this money is going, but she reasons they are either sending money to relatives in the rural areas or using the digital balance on their phones to shop at the grocery store and use digital retail payment- Lipa na M-Pesa (a Safaricom merchant pay service based on sending money to a till number associated with a shop or seller). Millicent says most people are not coming to use her money transfer services. She understands why because she is having the same problem: no money. Although she used to send money to friends and family before COVID, she cannot anymore. She is instead relying on Fuliza loans for airtime (a Safaricom loan service) and on digital M-Shwari loans (offered by the Commercial Bank of Africa, through Safaricom) to feed her family. “Any money I get goes to paying these loans and for food. I cannot send any more.”

The Western Kenyan town of Kimilili about 50 km from the Western national border with Uganda is surrounded by farmland. Most of the families here combine income from several sources, such as farming, selling, trading, and labor of many kinds, and occupations such as teaching or the civil service. Mobile money agents here are also seeing drops in customers since the lockdown. Kimilili mobile money agent Annette is a student at Mount Kenya University studying economics and finance. When the university closed due to COVID she came to stay at the home of her brother, a local teacher. Her family had moved around due to “family problems” and her brother’s place was the best option for her when universities closed. We learned in speaking with her that her brother is the registered M-Pesa agent, but she is “helping him out” by handling transactions. Annette expressed a lot of anxiety about her planned graduation in December and hoped it would not be delayed because of the virus. Her brother said that transactions have plummeted since the COVID response was instituted. He explained that people are following the government’s directive to avoid cash: people with money are using Lipa na M-pesa digital retail much more than before. Annette still gets some business from people cashing in and out in relatively small amounts. Profits are way down because amounts of cash in/out is how agents earn commissions. Annette appreciates the government directives about handwashing and social distancing but says few people are taking it as seriously as they should. "You cannot stop Kenyans from shaking hands," she says. Annette herself does not wear a mask, as she says it aggravates her asthma.

Under Kenya’s curfew, informal workers – barbers, hairdressers, shopkeepers, repair shops, bicycle, and car maintenance, along with M-Pesa agents – are using masks and gloves and sanitizing their workplaces. In Sweet Water in Machakos, the county government fumigates shops regularly, but businesses must still pay for water and sanitizer. Workers here must make money outside of a strict curfew which shortens their working days. But the commercial activity they depend on has plummeted. With Nairobi closing off informal workers have left for their rural homes; shops have less business as people fear the virus; gatherings and celebrations are forbidden, cutting off the personal care industry and the celebration economy of tent rental and hiring of musicians and DJs. With the roads cut off, the cost of goods has doubled or tripled.


An M-Pesa agent shop, Kimilili, Kenya. May 9 2020.
Note soap solution and water on the left. Photo Chap Kusimba. 

Money-Transfer Networks
Kenyans use money transfer to send and receive money with friends and relatives in dense social networks. Participating in these networks is necessary for economic life and social belonging2.  The effect of the COVID restrictions and their impact on informal workers, who earn their money every day, has been stark in the Sweet Water area. Not only have livelihoods been cut off; but informal workers have been left without money, and with it the ability to participate in reciprocal money-transfer networks that support friends and family. In the Sweet Water area we met and spoke with several informal workers who are all experiencing the same hardships, whose stories we sketch out below. Customers have left for upcountry, and wholesale goods have shot up in price. With a loss of the daily income these informal workers have turned to M-Shwari digital credit loans. They have been unable to send and receive e-money in their networks.

John is a young man who sells sausages in the marketplace at Sweet Water. Most of his customers left for their family homes in the rural areas as soon as the government announced that roads would be closed. His stock costs more now, and with the curfew his business hours are shortened. “I no longer send money as I used to because what I get is less than before. Even relatives and friends don’t send money anymore.”

Maryanne is a waitress in Sweet Water who was fired when the business closed. Her sister has sent her money to care for her four-year-old. She is trying to take in washing for money but is finding few customers. Another lady, Mary, is a tailor, who mostly repairs peoples’ clothes. She is usually paid in cash because these small repairs are paid for in coins. She is often supported by friends and relatives, but she has wondering what she will do now that even these small coins are not coming. Down the street, Risper owns a salon and has seen a big reduction in business. Her customers have reduced greatly. Furthermore women are no longer going to church, celebrations, and gatherings. Those who do come use cash exclusively. “There is no sending and receiving like before” in her social network, Risper said. Her children are home from school, and she must cook much more often for them.

Alex is another informal worker in Sweet Water. He butchers and sells fresh chicken, but his business is near collapse. He has no customers, cannot any longer buy chicken in bulk so he must pay more for his stock. His children are home as well and he has been feeding them chicken, further threatening his business. Normally he reaches out to friends and siblings when life is hard. But these days “My friends are not on jobs, so they don’t send me.” There has been more conflict in his home because of money problems. Taxi driver Gerald said that most savings club members have not met their obligations for March or April – again, people have no money. Taxi driving gave him a lot of money at night, but in the day people will take the bus. Disagreements at home have ensued.

Timothy is 25 and in sales for off-grid solar lighting (pay as you go).  He also makes money ride hailing on a rented motorcycle (boda boda). His wife runs a retail shop near their home. In the past month he has had fewer customers for solar lighting, and many of his clients are having trouble paying. He used to give several customers motorcycle rides at a time, but these days he is checked by the police constantly for overloading (which is against social distancing rules) and he is afraid of being arrested. As a worker in the transportation field the police would often hassle him before as well, but nowadays harassment has increased. Now that police have been charged with enforcing curfews and other COVID restrictions, they will arrest you for any reason. Timothy will have trouble paying rent to the owner of his motorcycle. His mobile money social network has also been affected. He used to send money to his mother (his natal home where she still lives is about 30 km away) and his wife in equal amounts to “balance the money;” but since COVID he has only been able to send money to his wife.


Payment Channels 
Methods of payment are changing and, as in other places, are revealing the effects of social and economic class. In spite of the suspension on fees, the increasing use of digital payment is concentrated among wealthier people who shop in the supermarkets and spend more money. The poor are focusing on cash as they pay in small amounts. Cash is also, we discovered, a way to keep value safe in these uncertain times. Many people who are in debt to Safaricom’s Fuliza services keep and use cash. This is because any amount loaded onto the Safaricom wallet will automatically be deducted to pay the Fuliza balance. Consequently, many people use cash to avoid their balance garnished to pay the Fuliza digital debt.

Sweet Water shopkeeper Mamake is sending and receiving a lot less with her friends and relatives. No one has any money right now, she said. As before, most of her customers pay a few pennies cash for goods packaged in the smallest quantities. Wealthier customers go to the shops where they can follow the government directives to use digital payment. She says her customers “can’t afford to put money on their phones.” The costs of goods has increased for her, but she cannot raise her prices. Her customers will not afford the goods, so she has tightened her own margins instead. She is the breadwinner in her home and her children depend on her work. She has started feeding the family with items from her shop out of necessity – but it will also hurt her business.

A lucky few have found opportunity in these circumstances. Faith runs a movie shop where she sells DVDs for 50 shillings (US$00.50) to people who can afford this luxury. Because many people are staying home she is getting more business. Her customers come in the evening before curfew. Most are paying with M-Pesa because of the belief that cash spreads the virus. Kids are paying with cash. They are home from school, and they pool their coins together to pay. With increased business, she spends more time and money on transport, electricity, and internet for downloading and copying movies. Her children eat at home now which is costing her more money. But she carefully noted that money transfer services have dropped transaction fees. She is sending more money to her rural home and she is able to help friends who are out of work and need food with cash and money transfer. Similarly, Peter, a barber, says his business has not changed. People will always want to look good, he says. James runs a video shop and says business is normal. People are sending less; so he is trying to help his family and friends when he can. He recently sent 500 Kenyan Shillings (US$5) to a friend who was travelling.

Uncertainty was foremost in peoples’ thoughts about the virus. Used clothes seller Jacob has been destitute since market days were banned. His stock has skyrocketed in price and he has had trouble selling clothes to customers, who think his clothes might be from China and therefore be contaminated. He expressed a great deal of sadness in our interview:
"I lack happiness because I need more money for my family because their needs are not met. I do not send money to friends, because I do not have. Neither do they send me. Fewer people are sharing with friends with M-Pesa as before. Will the government lock down completely? People are sending very small amounts, but they are also keeping money. Because we do not know what will happen with this virus situation."
What will happen? Will the extreme sacrifices that Africa’s poor are making to stop the virus make a difference in the end? COVID-19 and public health efforts to contain it are causing extreme shocks to Kenyan households. Their social networks are their safety net, but they may not be strong enough to provide much resilience, beyond the day to day survival of small digital loans. Will the social networks of mobile money survive the virus?


References

1 Traders, including women traders, from the region around Machakos through their activity built networks connecting the colonial capital with supplies of foodstuffs and other goods. See Claire Robertson, Trouble Showed the Way, 1997, Indiana University Press.

2 Kusimba, Sibel, Gabriel Kunyu, and Elizabeth Gross. 2018. Social Networks of Mobile Money in Kenya. In Money at the Margins: Global Perspectives on Technology, Financial Inclusion & Design, edited by Bill Maurer, Ivan Small, and Smoki Musaraj, Berghahn, London, pp. 179-199

Stay tuned for Part 3: 
"South Africa in lockdown: innovation in G2P payments"






Wednesday, May 30, 2018

“It is easy for women to ask!”: Gender and digital finance in Kenya

NEW article by Sibel Kusimba in Economic Anthropology 5(2). Special Issue Theme: Finance, 10 May 2018 for her IMTFI-funded project, Group versus Individual Strategies: Dynamic Social Networks of Mobile Money among Unbanked Women in Western Kenya.

Abstract
This article examines the role of gender in the use of digital finance in Kenya, including the well‐known case of mobile money but also the emerging use of smartphone apps, payment tills, digital credit services, and digital fund‐raising computer programs. Development professionals have explicitly feminist goals in bringing digital finance to women in the Global South. In several recent reports, they outline the belief that gender norms are a barrier to women's use of finance. They hope digital finance will bring women agency and control over money and consequently shift restrictive gender norms. This article offers a critique of these assumptions based on ethnographic conversations, a diary exercise, and network self‐portraiture conducted in Kenya in 2016 among both rural farmers and urbanites. Adopting a distributed agency perspective, the ethnographic study demonstrates that Kenyan women and men use digital finance not to seek individual control of their money but to produce themselves as connected and trustworthy members of financial groups and collectivities. Gender norms may not hinder women from finance but rather enhance and deepen women's and men's financial relationships and bring women success in amassing funds.

Fig. 1: Consolata, headmistress of a school in rural Western Kenya, draws her social/financial networks.

Article
During a March 24, 2017, webinar on women and financial inclusion, experts from Innovations for Poverty Action (IPA) expressed disillusionment with microcredit as a poverty alleviation tool. Globally, microfinance has reached more than 200 million borrowers, two‐thirds of them women (Garikipati et al. 2017), but the hosts explained that microloans were not leading to “higher incomes or more product investment” (Innovations for Poverty Action webinar, March 24, 2017; see also Banerjee et al. 2015; Roodman 2011). The webinar hosts suggested a new approach: digital finance delivered via mobile phones. They proposed that digital finance could bring women empowerment, control, and agency and lead to positive social change: “We want to create financial tools that will create agency and control for women and shift gender norms.”1

Through reports, studies, and research evidence, development professionals are articulating a new project to bring digital finance to women in the Global South—especially poor and rural unbanked women. They are using data sets of bank account ownership and studies of household economics, including women's bargaining power with husbands (Agarwal 1997), to claim that social and gender norms are barriers to women's agency with money (CGAP 2017a, 2017b). Development thinkers hope that digital finance on mobile phones will “rapidly connect women to digital financial services that enable them to more easily store, transfer, secure and build value digitally, beyond money payment transfers” and that digital finance will bring “empowerment and equitable decision‐making in households” (Gates Foundation 2015, 2; see also Innovations for Poverty Action 2017).

How fitting are development understandings around finance, technology, and gender for Kenyan women? This article defines finance as relations between people, money, and time that are “grounded in practices of everyday life” (van der Zwan 2014, 102). In Kenya, financialization—as I define it, the increasing use of everyday finance—often relies on digital channels and has emerged as a meld of formal (provider‐designed) and informal (user‐innovated) sources. Formal products designed for the low‐income and unbanked include digital credit via mobile phones. Informal user innovations with apps and services are equally if not more common, such as WhatsApp fund‐raising and money pooling and circulation through M‐Pesa, a money transfer service.

In this article, I describe the cultural practices and meanings around gender that influence people's engagement with digital finance. I question the idea that the value of digital finance for Kenyan women is resistance to social and gender norms. My critique centers on the idea of agency. For the development professionals of the IPA webinar, agency is a quality of individuals. It is a noun, “something one has” or does not have (Gero 2000, 34), and from a liberal feminist perspective, it implies autonomy, emancipation, and resistance to social norms (Mahmood 2001). Rather, I suggest that the agency of Kenyan women is profitably viewed as a way of acting and being in particular settings—as “the condition and constraints under which we pursue our goals” (Enfield 2017, 3). This broader view draws attention to agency as joint action in groups, as distributed through relationships between people and material systems (Burrell 2016; Enfield 2017; Pettit and Schweikard 2006).

To access the full article - go to original post:  https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/sea2.12121 or "Recent Publications" on Professor Sibel Kusimba's website: https://sibelkusimba.com/publications/