Showing posts with label Mobile Network Operator (MNO). Show all posts
Showing posts with label Mobile Network Operator (MNO). Show all posts

Wednesday, November 22, 2017

(Dis)Trust in Mobile Money in Ghana: Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow

By IMTFI Fellow Vivian Dzokoto, Virginia Commonwealth University and John Kojo Aggrey, Louisiana State University

Yesterday: The Struggle to Gain a Foothold


In the early days of our IMTFI-funded fieldwork on Mobile Money (MM) in Ghana, MTN Mobile Money ads and billboards were out there. Yet, many interviewees either hadn't heard of MM at all; confused it with the e-zwich platform (a biometric smart card); or just didn't feel comfortable about the notion of converting physical cash to electronic value and keeping it on a mobile wallet on a cell phone. What was the discomfort about? For some, the apprehension concerned the non-materiality of the value. If one rolled up one’s cash and kept it in a bra, tied it in the corner of a cloth, or kept it in a repurposed plastic or tin container, one knew where it was at all times, and could access it easily. Intangible e-value was just too…. Intangible. For others, the concerns varied from utter disbelief that such technology could exist (it just seemed too good to be true), to suspicion that politicians must somehow be involved (and therefore it was something to be avoided). Additionally, interviewees from middle to upper income brackets thought that the technology would be hampered by the unreliability of the phone network (with statements like “right now, you need a backup for the backup”). Would the e-value get lost if the transaction was interrupted due to a spotty network? The variety of reasons indicated curiosity and a degree of skepticism about how the technology worked. It just didn’t seem trustworthy from the get go.  But that was in 2009. And 2010. And 2011. And 2012.

Money in the Cultural Context

It’s important to think about the context in which this technology was being launched and relentlessly promoted due to its success in Kenya. Traditional Ghanaian culture puts value on the form in which some payments are made. Apology pacifications may require a sheep, for example, and wedding bride prices come in the form of cash AND a variety of other goods. Yet nowhere has the form of money been more of an issue in contemporary Ghana than in the introduction of money technologies such as Mobile Money (MM). In a largely cash-driven society such as Ghana, getting people to switch from cash to cash-lite means of payments has been an ultra-marathon. While a host of obstacles such as poor infrastructure have been implicated in the failures of different card-based payment options in the early 2000s, trust and the lack thereof has played an important role in Ghanaian adoption rates of money technologies- in particular cell-phone based ones. At the onset, trust was hard to come by.

Today: The Wobbly Foothold


Fast forward a few years and Mobile Money has taken a foothold in the Ghanaian marketplace.  People recognized the convenience of the technology that enabled them to change local currency into electronic value, load it onto an electronic wallet, and use for spending, bill payment, savings, insurance, and remittances. Due to the doggedness of  Mobile Network Operators (MNOs), banking partners, agent networks, regulators and other stakeholders, trust in and use of Mobile Money grew, and grew, and grew some more, ….and then, sadly, ran into a brick wall. Criminals figured out how to exploit Mobile Money, and it was estimated that 50% of customers had been targeted. The criminal network included people from the inside. The modus operandi of the insiders was found to include (i) accessing the MM database of merchants without authorization and altering customer information; (ii) resetting the phone number assigned to the MM account, and then granting access to the new number to change the PIN  and (iii) acquisition of new SIM cards using a false identity, register for MM services. These provided cash outs access to customer and merchant accounts.

Additionally, some merchants were found to have overcharged for their services. Scammers have also been involved in defrauding MM subscribers using several tactics. First, the you-have-won-send-money-to-claim-your-prize scam, a financial crime also perpetrated via email. Once the subscriber sends the money, it is cashed out and the SIM card destroyed. Second, the problem-when-there-is-no-problem scam in which MM subscribers are informed that an amount of money transferred to them has been wrongfully sent as airtime or that there is a general problem with their account. Under the guise of “fixing the problem”, the “customer service” person on the phone takes the subscriber through steps which result in a money transfers to a scammer’s phone or code generation for an ATM withdrawal. Third is the related please-send-back-the-money-sent-to-you-by-mistake scam in which subscribers receive a call about an erroneous transfer meant for someone else. The subscribers motivated to do the right thing end up sending money from their account to these fraudsters. The fraudsters are getting craftier by the day, and so in a new development, subscribers simply receive a notification on their phone that an amount of money has been withdrawn from the MM account. These are withdrawals not authorized or carried out by the subscriber.


Deconstructing Mobile Money Crimes: Technology or Humans?


An MNO representative noted that problematic fraud was not due to a breach in MM platform itself, but due to nefarious human activity. The MNO staff involved were able to do so due to their access to the MM technology by virtue of the work they do with the telcos, and not because they are able to bypass the security systems in place. The fraudsters on their part, used their knowledge of the use of the MM technology to outwit people who are less versed in it and then defraud them.

This framing of the problem is consistent with perspectives about the misappropriation of tools in general and technology in particular for criminal purposes. Cars are not considered bad because some users chose to drive drunk or drag race on public streets, cryptocurrencies are not generally considered evil because bitcoin became the currency of choice in Silk Road and other dark websites, and the internet has not been dispensed with because websites are routinely (it seems) hacked. The question is, will Ghanaians (in a market where mobile money has entered but not dominated the payment space) care about the difference, or will they throw out the baby with the bathwater? Will consumers care that as one MNO representative put it, it’s about the "gullible consumer" and not a “system vulnerability issue”?

Elsewhere in the world, challenges to trust in particular systems and platforms have resulted in shock, but not necessarily in long-term decreases in their patronage. For example, people did not stop investing in the stock market because of Bernie Madoff or after the 2008 financial crisis. People across the world have not stopped using email despite threats to internet security, and it does not appear that people have stopped using Wi-Fi since the recent announcement by a Belgian researcher that Wi-Fi networks using the WPA2 protocol are vulnerable to hacking. However, each of these threats to consumer confidence have occurred in the context of products and platforms that had already successfully penetrated the market - not ones that are in a crucial growth phase as seems to be the case in Ghana. So the question remains: to what extent is trust in Mobile Money in Ghana impacted, and how will this affect subscription, active use, and growth of the user base?


Tomorrow: Finding its feet again, or will the other shoe drop?


Trust in Mobile Money in Ghana and its future patronage will be contingent upon a variety of factors including perceptions of how well the current investigations are going, perceptions of product safety, and perception of future customer vulnerability vis-à -vis the perceived benefits of having a mobile phone-based payment medium.

On the one hand, the fact that MNOs eventually went public to discuss the issue is encouraging, and a testament to their commitment to dealing with the problem. Hopefully it will warrant a few trust points. These “trust points” may further soar with MTN’s publicized sanctioning of a whopping 3,000 members of its agent network in a bid to curb their fraudulent activities, and release of information that contrasted targeted subscribers (up to 50%) with those successfully defrauded (less than 0.1%). Other concerted efforts to curtail the problem that have been discussed in recent weeks include a re-registration of SIM cards, changes in procedures related to agent activities to enhance privacy, industry-wide agent blacklisting, better and more accessible agent identification by consumers, and changes to features in the user interface to provide the consumer with additional control over cash outs, and text filtering to block out identified scam messages. In addition, MM subscribers have been reminded via text, automated messages and via the media to protect their PINs, and change them regularly. In other words, there have been movements at the levels of regulators, MNOs, and the consumer (education efforts) to minimize the likelihood of recurrence of such crimes. Will these corrections and structures boost or repair consumer confidence?

On the other hand, several challenges have been identified in the execution of investigations of crimes involving Mobile Money. In addition to the fact that some scammers have covered their tracks well enough to avoid being identified, there have been some reports of less-than-ideal cooperation from some MNOs. For example, representatives of the Ghana Police Service “expressed worry that managers of some mobile telecom operators do not give the necessary information to the police concerning suspects in mobile money fraud who work in the telcos”.  Additionally, some people who crossed paths with fraudsters are calling for a boycott of specific MNOs altogether in order to regain a sense of agency and the recognition that consumers need to protect themselves. Such calls emanate from the recognition that that there is limited recourse for a defrauded consumer since there is no guarantee of a refund from the MNOs.

So what will happen to Mobile Money in Ghana? Time - and the consumer – will tell. No matter the outcome, it will undoubtedly revolve around consumer trust.

Read their first blogpost, "Yet Another Cashlite Stumbling Block: 'Alarming' Fraud and Mobile Money Uptake in Ghana"

Monday, February 8, 2016

Infrastructures and Interfaces: Domestic Remittances in India

by IMTFI Researcher Amrit Pal

On a hot and humid September afternoon Bhiwandi is bustling with activity. Located a few miles outside the megacity of Mumbai (formerly Bombay), Bhiwandi is an ideal residence for millions of migrants who are drawn by the opportunities the city has to offer, without having to pay skyrocketing rents. Population estimates vary from 12 million to 20 million, depending on the source and scope of measurement.


Workers at a hardware store in New Delhi, India, 
use a cellphone for remittances. (Photo by Amrit Pal)
At a neighborhood kiosk, we meet Mahinder* who is on his way back home after a long shift at the local handloom. Mahinder migrated to Mumbai 7 years ago from Bihar, one of India’s poorest states. It is estimated that if Bihar were a country in Africa, it would be the third most populous and second poorest by per capita GDP. Mahinder has three children and a wife, who live in a village in Begusarai, Bihar. He sends about 3000 rupees every month to support their household expenses and fees. The neighbor kiosk or the ‘kirana’ store is his immediate point of contact for all needs, including grocery, cigarettes, connectivity and financial services.

The neighborhood kiosk is a crucial anchor in the Indian social context. Not only is it a form of local “grapevine” – a center for sharing news and gossip, it is also the most readily available center to run daily chores. Unlike big chain and formal retail found in malls, informal and decentralized retail has the deepest penetration and distribution in India. Unsurprisingly, it is common to find the most familiar brands of fast-moving consumer goods at a small kiosk in rural India.

(Photo by Amrit Pal)
Digital financial services are taking advantage of informal retail to provide an array of financial services in areas that were traditionally out-of-reach. Remittance services are of critical importance to millions of migrants like Mahinder, who support their families thousands of miles away every month, and in emergencies. 

Mahinder came to know about the service, ‘Eko’, through the shopkeeper at the kiosk. Buying soap and bread has evolved into a long-lasting relationship, and it is easy to confuse Mahinder and the shopkeeper as long-lost friends. Mahinder would often ask the shopkeeper for credit, while purchasing a cigarette and came across the brightly colored signs with ‘Eko’ splashed all over the shop. You could send money instantly using a cellphone, and it would arrive within hours. "It was like magic”, says Mahinder, when he first used the service in 2012. It was easy to send and you could trust that the money will actually show up for your family in Bihar.

Eko, a remittance provider, in a departmental store in Bhiwandi, India.
(Photo by Amrit Pal)

(Photo by Amrit Pal)
When asked about which provider he trusts the most, he said, “all banks are like Eko and I don’t care as long as the money reaches my bank account”. Trust is a critical factor in financial services, and the earliest service provider often exhibits ’the Xerox effect’ where the brand itself becomes the activity. Similarly, even though the customer has a choice to pick from several competing products, the brand association is highly singular.
 
Over the last few months, the same kiosk is choke full of posters advertising dozens of remitters, with new names like Oxigen and Suvidhaa, and also big brands like Western Union.
While such hyper-competition is great for customers, there are adverse affects on transparency and cost to customers. Most customers in the Bhiwandi area have limited education, and are unable to differentiate whether they are actually using the service they want to use. Additionally, as service providers compete for market share and razor-thin margins, kiosk owners have the incentive to prioritize their commissions over customer benefits.

A shop with banners placed by remittance providers. (Photo by Amrit Pal)
Traditionally, regulations in India have favored remittance-only providers, who are shunted off from providing a wider suite of services to their customers who may have broader financial lives. As a result, the financial lives of customers are ‘unbundled’. Additionally, a hyper-competitive market environment may lead to service providers shutting shop, which harms the customer in the long-run.

Recently, the Reserve Bank of India issued regulations to license ‘payment banks’, aimed at providing a liberal framework for new-age, digital financial service providers who can provide vertical and horizontal offerings to their customers. 

This blog post provides a glimpse of the progress in infrastructure and interfaces for remitters in India. In less than a decade, tremendous strides have been made to provide low-cost, reliable and ubiquitous channels for the poor to access remittance services. User behaviour and expectations will evolve simultaneously. For a deeper study in user behaviour and supporting structure read Amrit Pal's final report, One Among Many? Examining the Efficacy of Mobile Money in India's Remittance Corridors.

Wednesday, December 23, 2015

The Role of Mobile Money in Replacing Cash in India

by IMTFI Researcher Lakshmi Kumar

Mobile money as an intersection of finance and telecommunication faces regulations from both these sectors. Most underdeveloped economies have a poorly regulated financial sector, with the bottom third of the population having hardly any access to banks. Mobile money has provided one solution to this situation.  

In India, there are an estimated 310 million savings accounts with banks. The mobile subscriber base is 680 million, out of which 32% are subscribers based in rural areas (TRAI, 2012-13). The growth rate in mobile subscriptions in rural areas is anticipated to be between 45% and 50% over the next couple of years (TRAI, 2012-13). The link between financial inclusion and information technology has been crucial, and one can observe that mobile services have succeeded in areas where banks have been unable to penetrate. The Telecom Regulation Authority of India reports that 91% of the villages in India are covered by at least one mobile network operator. However, as the network of mobile money operators scale up their services, questions of data protection also arise. What is the state of customer protections mechanisms and how willing are individuals to shift from their comfortable cash transactions to mobile money?  

With the introduction of mobile money in India, we wanted to research the empirical understanding about its role in replacing cash amongst migrant and non-migrant workers in Chennai (Tamil Nadu) and Hyderabad (Andhra Pradesh).  We also wanted to understand the role of middlemen in this broad ecosystem.  Lastly, we want to understand whether the poor trust mobile money. 

Migrant workers constitute about one-third of the population of India, and nearly 70% of them are women (UNESCO, 2012). They are treated as second class citizens, and are often excluded from the general economic, social, cultural, and political mainstream of society. They come from different states seeking employment, and often their first goal is to remit money home. Money transfer takes the form of hawala, the post office, the bank, or the present mobile money transfer. Using a questionnaire, we interviewed migrant workers in the outskirts of Chennai and Hyderabad among whom were both users and non-users of the mobile or non-users to their home. 

We found that on an average income of mobile money users was higher than non-users and additionally transfer of money particularly during times of emergency was higher among mobile money users. There was greater interstate transfer of cash by mobile money users.  Our regression results clearly show that mobile money users send about 14% more than non-mobile users. Also mobile money users send about 34% more emergency money than non-mobile users.  Its usage also increases with age, education and marital status. (For details see, Lakshmi Kumar and Swati Dutta (2015), Role of mobile money in replacing cash: A study among migrant workers in South India, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol l(Issue 28)). Three distinct outcomes became clear about the rationale as to why both the agents and the clients believe in this system.  They are:

1. The client’s potential to save in their home bank accounts through remittances.

2. The automatic client attraction to the product; the pull not the push strategy.

3. The employer who remits on behalf of his client has created a sub-ecosystem of mobile money over unsafe cash.  This is evolving and requires further study.

4. The ‘SMS’ which the clients receive instantly has created trust and safety.

Mobile money is fast catching on in India. Clients, particularly migrants have a need for it, and seem to trust the technology. Our research shows that mobile money has huge potential both from the client perspective as well as from the revenue standpoint. The runaway success of the M-PESA model which is being emulated the world over is a basic remittance model, a model to drive the client to remit money to their family.  In India too, the target by many Mobile Network Operators (MNOs) is to create a single product namely a remittance product and target the same to the migrant worker. 

Interoperability is the mandate of India's central bank, but what seems to happen in reality is very different. We find MNOs tying clients to banks, or, worse still, clients having no access to bank accounts and left to the mercy of their employers for all of their financial needs. Many MNOs have used this basic model as their revenue model. The question that arises is what next?  Figure 1. below is a proposed model for the mobile money ecosystem in India under we create a model path to financial inclusion for migrant workers in India. Ideally we first create a bank account and a mobile account for a client, and then allow the client to transfer money in a manner such that it is bank agnostic. Secondly, the client's account is activated so that he can receive any government transfers to his bank account while he receives a message on his mobile. It is possible for him to transact with his account from any bank/bank branch/MNO.  Thirdly, the MNO goes about acquiring many customers and helps them with the basic remittance product. This follows with the client engaging in other bank products, which are asset-oriented products like savings or insurance products. The MNO then develops mobile wallets for the customer, and simultaneously finds acceptance of the mobile wallet at various retail merchants. The MNO's dual role of connecting people to asset products in banks and to mobile wallets can encourage people to hold less cash, and to instead transfer value to mobile accounts. The whole process obviously requires a change in the mindset of the people. Obviously, when there is a need in the mind of a person there is a chance for change. Just like how the remittance product is a success because of an inherent need of the client, it is necessary for the MNO to look out for the client’s needs and to create opportunities. But sometimes one can preempt a need or create a need--as suggested in the proposed model in figure 1--by being ahead of the learning curve of the client. Thus, this is one model by which a large percentage of Indian workers can be financially included.  




Figure 1: A Model for Mobile Money Ecosystem in India

Given a reality where as per the UNESCO Report-2012, migrant workers make up about 30% of the population in India, there is a huge opportunity waiting to be tapped towards the benefit of this population such that they may be included in the economic, social, and political systems of the country.

Read the full final report here.  

Monday, November 23, 2015

Following Mobile Money in Somaliland

A new research report by Gianluca Iazzolino with the Rift Valley Institute (RVI)

‘This study provides an interesting and unusual insight into the state-building process in Somaliland. Taking Zaad—our everyday companion here in Somaliland—Iazzolino explores the intricate nature of private and public sector relations. Vividly mapping the landscape of the mobile money transfer system, he identifies the importance of trust as its foundation, and the role that banking, financial institutions and technology have played in the making of Somaliland. This report is a recommended reading for policy makers and academics alike.’

-ABDI ZENEBE, IPCS, UNIVERSITY OF HARGEYSA, SOMALILAND




Zaad, Somaliland’s first mobile money platform, was launched in 2009 and has rapidly become a feature of a financial landscape hitherto dominated by Somali remittance companies. This report charts the distribution of mobile money across the financial landscape of Somaliland. It examines the way the Zaad service is reshaping livelihoods and business practices, as well as implications of its popularity for the relationship between state and non-state actors, and the effect this might have on Somaliland’s political and financial institutions. It argues that the narrative of the role that mobile systems can have in supporting financial inclusion runs the risk of obscuring complex political and economic dynamics, especially in the context of Somaliland’s state-building process. The study suggests that the popularity of Zaad is in part due to the specific context in which it operates as well as the business model and outreach strategy of its parent company Telesom. Fundamentally, in the absence of international banks, Zaad meets a widespread demand to help people cope with a volatile economic situation.

Download the full report at the Rift Valley Forum here.